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Politics

Manifesto Destiny

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BY the time you read this article, each of the main parties contesting the Welsh Parliamentary election will have published their manifestos.

Virtually nobody will read them.

Instead, the public will be drip-fed press releases by the respective parties. Then the parties will take it in turns to take pot-shots at each other’s proposals.

That predictable back-and-forth means voters will hardly be one jot wiser when they cast their ballots than they were before the manifestos’ publication.

As Labour has been in power in Wales for twenty-two years, there is only its track record to assess.

Predictably, and as with every government anywhere, Labour’s record on actual delivery is mixed.

In the last few months of the last Welsh Parliamentary session, Labour appeared to realise pointing to banning two circuses from Wales was not much of a legislative record. 

In response, it took to promising to deliver in the future what it promised in the past.

Labour’s totemic Wellbeing of Future Generations Act is a monumental piece of legislation. It cuts across government policy, but it’s become more of a Christmas tree the Welsh Government has placed ill-matched baubles on since its inception.

The Act’s aims are praiseworthy. Its execution – in practice – is a shambolic mess of box-ticking compliance and aspirational thought in place of solid leadership and rigorous decision-making.

Wales’ Future Generations Commissioner (no, nor me) recently outlined the problems following the Act’s aims. 
Sophie Howe said: “Welsh Government must stop introducing new policy, legislation, guidance and reviews that overlook the Act and create new layers of complexity and governance.”

Sophie Howe continued: “There is a lack of clarity over how they interact with each other and a tendency to bypass existing boards that have already been set up.

“For example, to deliver on a wellbeing objective to ‘give every child the best start in life’ a public body would need alignment between Public Services Boards (PSBs), Regional Partnership Boards, Area Planning Boards, Community Safety Partnerships, Regional Skills Partnerships and City/Regional Growth deals.

“The Local Government and Elections (Wales) Bill potentially adds to an already complex and crowded partnership environment by creating statutory regional Corporate Joint Committees and proposes they will also be subject to the wellbeing duties of the Act.”

It all sounds a bit like having a working group of a sub-committee to advise a committee to inform a management team to consider the conclusions before setting up a working group to report to another committee where a decision might be taken or sent back to another sub-committee to view.

What it is not is democratic decision-making intended to address problems swiftly or with any sense of urgency.

The Act means well, but its aims are lost in a morass of bureaucracy.

The first policy priorities for any incoming Welsh Government must be to stabilise the economy and health service before moving on to longer-term objectives. 

Its first administrative priorities must be to unpick bureaucracy-for-the-sake-of-it. Decision-making must be streamlined, so manifesto commitments materialise as policies to be voted on during a Senedd term and not as White Papers produced at its end.

The last Labour Government had lamentable form for doing that. 

Promises made in 2016 emerged only as White Papers for consultation just before the end of the Senedd term.

In the ten years since the Welsh Government gained the power to pass Acts of the Assembly as primary legislation, it passed 49 Acts. Its most significant pieces of legislation were passed between 2013 and 2015.

Even accepting the pandemic’s disruption to everyday politics, the legislative return from the last five years of government is sparse.

After 2016, Welsh Government ministers frequently popped up to trumpet one initiative or another. It is no wonder that the Welsh Cabinet apparently consists of the First Minister and a dozen or so deputy Ministers for Announcements.

That is not to doubt the previous Welsh Government’s commitment to put flesh on the bones of their predecessors’ legislation and set about making it work. 

Lee Waters, for example, has tirelessly worked on the Active Travel Act. But the Act was passed in 2013, three years before he joined the Welsh Parliament and almost six years before he became a Minister in the Labour Government.

Only now are ‘active travel zones’, which encourage commuters to ditch their cars, coming into play across Wales.

You can tell.

There are consultations taking place about them. Eight years after the primary legislation passed.

As for Labour’s last manifesto:

  • It didn’t deliver the M4 relief road it promised.
  • It barely scratched the surface of resolving Wales’ long-term transport infrastructure problems.
  • It didn’t reach its own child poverty targets.
  • It hasn’t improved health service.
  • It failed to introduce either an Agriculture Bill or Clean Air Act.

The education system’s results are improving. The Minister in charge was a Liberal Democrat.

You can’t say that’s all down to a failure of political willpower. It’s an oversupply of hot air: over-promising and underdelivering. For the first three years of the last Senedd term, the Welsh Government spent time firefighting problems hanging over from the previous Welsh Government. Itself.

Less talking about doing and more doing would be a fresh start – indeed, a novel approach – for the next Welsh Government.

It’s a chance for the Senedd to dispel the notion it’s just a talking shop for politicians’ pet peeves and crack on with delivering for Wales.

Community

Wolfscastle farm’s new shed sparked ‘noise nuisance’ claims

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A PEMBROKESHIRE farmer “jumped the gun” in his enthusiasm to build a new cattle shed which includes ‘robot slurry scrapers’ that have been causing a noise nuisance for neighbours, county planners heard.

In a retrospective application recommended for approval at the December meeting of Pembrokeshire County Council’s planning committee, Aled Jenkins sought permission for a replacement cattle housing and silage clamp at Upper Ty Rhos, Wolfscastle.

An officer report said Upper Ty Rhos consists of a herd of 630 youngstock beef cattle, the applicant seeking permission for the replacement 100-metre-long cattle housing building.

It said the building benefits from a robotic scraping system to internally clean it to improve animal welfare and efficiency.

However, the slurry scraper system in operation has been found to constitute a statutory noise nuisance.

“The introduction of the slurry scraper system has resulted in a new noise source to the locality that is having a significant detrimental impact upon local amenity.  The nuisance noise is directly associated with the extended hours of operation of the slurry scraper system and the noise created by the two motors powering the system including the drive mechanism that moves the scraper through the building to remove slurry produced by the housed cattle.

“To further exacerbate the situation, the building has open voids to the eastern gable end, which is within close proximity to the neighbouring property resulting in the building being acoustically weak.

“An acoustic report has been submitted with mitigation methods provided including relocating motors and associated equipment into external enclosures, reduction of noise egress through openings by installing hit-and-miss louvres and/or PVC strip curtains and consideration of blocking the gap between roof pitches along the ridge of the building.”

Three letters of concern were received from members of the public raising concerns including visual and environmental impact, noise issues and a potential for the herd size to increase.

Speaking at the meeting, neighbour Dr Andrew Williams, who stressed he was not seeking to have the shed removed, raised concerns about the noise from the ‘robot scrapers,’ exacerbated by cattle being concentrated in the immediate area from the wider farm complex.

Agent Wyn Harries addressed concerns about the retrospective nature was a result of over-enthusiasm by his client who “jumped the gun”.

He said there was now a scheme that was “fully worked through,” dealing with noise and other issues.

Members backed approval, which includes noise mitigation to address the impact of the robot scrapers; one member, Cllr Tony Wilcox, abstaining on the grounds of the retrospective native of the building “the size of a football field”.

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News

Greyhound Bill faces fresh scrutiny as second committee raises “serious concerns”

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THE PROHIBITION of Greyhound Racing (Wales) Bill has been heavily criticised for a second time in 24 hours after the Senedd’s Legislation, Justice and Constitution (LJC) Committee published a highly critical Stage 1 report yesterday.

The cross-party committee said the Welsh Government’s handling of the legislation had “in several respects, fallen short of the standard of good legislative practice that we would normally expect”.

Key concerns highlighted by the LJC Committee include:

  • Introducing the Bill before all relevant impact assessments (including a full Regulatory Impact Assessment and Children’s Rights Impact Assessment) had been completed – a step it described as “poor legislative practice, particularly … where the Bill may impact on human rights”.
  • Failure to publish a statement confirming the Bill’s compatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The committee has recommended that Rural Affairs Minister Huw Irranca-Davies issue such a statement before the Stage 1 vote on 16 December.
  • Inadequate public consultation, with the 2023 animal-licensing consultation deemed “not an appropriate substitute” for targeted engagement on the specific proposal to ban the sport.

The report follows Tuesday’s equally critical findings from the Culture, Communications, Welsh Language, Sport and International Relations Committee, which questioned the robustness of the evidence base and the accelerated legislative timetable.

Industry reaction Mark Bird, chief executive of the Greyhound Board of Great Britain (GBGB), described the two reports as leaving the Bill “in tatters”.

“Two consecutive cross-party Senedd committees have now condemned the Welsh Government’s failures in due diligence, consultation and human rights considerations and evidence gathering,” he said. “The case for a ban has been comprehensively undermined. The responsible path forward is stronger regulation of the single remaining track at Ystrad Mynach, not prohibition.”

Response from supporters of the Bill Luke Fletcher MS (Labour, South Wales West), who introduced the Member-proposed Bill, said he welcomed thorough scrutiny and remained confident the legislation could be improved at later stages.

“I have always said this Bill is about ending an outdated practice that causes unnecessary suffering to thousands of greyhounds every year,” Mr Fletcher said. “The committees have raised legitimate procedural points, and I look forward to working with the Welsh Government and colleagues across the Senedd to address those concerns while keeping the core aim of the Bill intact.”

A Welsh Government spokesperson said: “The Minister has noted the committees’ reports and will respond formally in due course. The government supports the principle of the Bill and believes a ban on greyhound racing is justified on animal welfare grounds. Work is ongoing to finalise the outstanding impact assessments and to ensure full compatibility with the ECHR.”

The Bill is scheduled for a Stage 1 debate and vote in plenary on Tuesday 16 December. Even if it passes that hurdle, it would still require significant amendment at Stages 2 and 3 to satisfy the committees’ recommendations.

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News

Conservatives reject calls for more Senedd powers amid Labour devolution row

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WELSH CONSERVATIVE leader Darren Millar MS has dismissed renewed Labour calls for further Senedd powers, warning that the Welsh Government should “stop making excuses” and focus instead on tackling crises in health, education and the economy.

His comments follow an extraordinary intervention earlier this week by 11 Labour backbench MSs, who wrote to Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer on 3 December accusing his government of “rolling back” devolution. The signatories — including former ministers Mick Antoniw, Lesley Griffiths and Lee Waters — said they were “increasingly concerned” by the lack of progress on key commitments such as reforming the Barnett formula, devolving rail infrastructure, policing and justice, and transferring the Crown Estate to Wales.

The letter singled out the UK Government’s new “Pride in Place” funding scheme — which sends regeneration money for town-centre improvements directly to Welsh councils — as a “constitutional outrage,” arguing that it sidesteps devolved powers through the UK Internal Market Act 2020. Although First Minister Eluned Morgan has raised the issue with Starmer, no Welsh ministers added their names to the letter, laying bare internal tensions as Labour falls back in polls ahead of the 2026 Senedd election.

Opposition parties seized on the dispute. Plaid Cymru’s Mabon ap Gwynfor MS said it showed Labour “falling apart,” while Welsh Liberal Democrat leader Jane Dodds criticised Westminster’s “deep lack of understanding” of the devolution settlement.

At a Council of the Nations and Regions summit on Thursday, Chief Secretary to the Treasury Darren Jones — standing in for Starmer — defended the UK Government’s record, saying Labour in Westminster had been “delivering at pace” in partnership with Wales. The 26 November Budget provided £508 million in additional resource and capital funding for Wales over the Spending Review period, alongside commitments to Port Talbot brownfield remediation, a South Wales semiconductor cluster, nuclear investment at Wylfa and a £547 million Local Growth Fund devolved to the Welsh Government. Welsh ministers welcomed many of these as having “generational” value, though the Labour MSs’ letter said they fell short of promised constitutional reform.

The Welsh Conservatives have consistently opposed further Senedd powers, arguing that Cardiff Bay already holds significant authority under the existing settlement established in 1997 and expanded in 2011, 2014 and 2017. Millar, who became Welsh Conservative leader in 2024, has previously ruled out abolishing the Senedd as unrealistic, while urging ministers to “transform people’s lives with devolution” by using existing powers more effectively.

Pointing to record pressures in devolved services, Millar said Labour was fixated on constitutional arguments while outcomes worsen. NHS waiting lists in Wales stood at 789,929 pathways by mid-2025 — nearly one in four residents — with first outpatient waits in parts of Rhondda Cynon Taf stretching from 28 to 68 weeks or more. Public satisfaction with the Welsh NHS averaged 5.1 out of 10 in the year to March 2025, down from 6.3 in 2021–22. Education attendance figures for 2023–24 showed slow post-pandemic recovery, while youth employment (16–24) fell to 52.5% in the year to March 2025. Wales’ unemployment rate rose to 4.1% in the year to June 2025, slightly above the UK’s 4.0%, with areas such as Swansea reaching 8.2%. Economic inactivity among 16–64-year-olds remained high at 24.1%.

Darren Millar MS said: “One Labour Government damaging Wales was bad enough — now we have two, and things are twice as bad.

After two damaging budgets, Welsh Government ministers are focused on infighting about Senedd powers instead of fixing the everyday problems families are facing.

The Senedd doesn’t need more powers. What we need is a government that accepts responsibility, stops making excuses, and uses the extensive powers already available to get to grips with the crisis in our NHS, improve standards in our schools, and tackle Wales’ spiralling unemployment.

Only a Welsh Conservative Government will fix Wales.”

The dispute reflects wider public debate on whether devolution is delivering results. Polling suggests consistent support for having a Senedd, but growing frustration over service performance. With the 2026 election approaching and Reform UK and Plaid Cymru gaining ground, Labour’s internal split over devolution exposes fresh vulnerabilities as the party tries to navigate its relationship with Westminster.

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