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Politics

Energy policy and the environment

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LAST WEEK The Herald looked at the energy market and the ways in which different parties have approached the question of rising domestic energy bills.

That article discussed the ways in which taking advantage of existing energy efficiency schemes and the use of the most competitive tariffs would reduce bills far more than a simple price cut on the most commonly used domestic tariff.

Labour has claimed it will create over 300,000 renewable energy jobs throughout the country and put modern low-carbon industries at the heart of a £500 billion investment strategy, championing ‘a new green industrial revolution’.

One of the big ideas underpinning that commitment is to promote the growth of local energy companies and support the development of 1,000 community energy co-operatives. That’s accompanied by a commitment to 65% renewable electricity by 2030, aiming for 85% as technology improves and diffuses.

All of which will sound very familiar to Plaid Cymru, whose Shadow Environment spokesperson, Simon Thomas AM, has called for the creation of Ynni Cymru to promote Wales’ own self-sufficiency in domestic energy. It sounds like Plaid’s clothes have been lifted by Jeremy Corbyn’s promises to invest in similar schemes and raise investment across the UK.

Labour has set out a radical commitment to set up publicly-owned energy supply companies in every region focused purely on cutting prices. Under the same proposals, Government would take ‘control of the natural monopolies of the transmission and distribution grids’ currently run by the National Grid.

The Labour leader has made big promises, and the cynical might think that Labour may as well shoot for The Moon, given the remote chances it has of forming an administration under Jeremy Corbyn as PM.

“We’ve got a real opportunity to drive the green economy – to have green jobs, green growth, and make sure that we have our share of the industries of the future. Clearly there’s the climate change agenda, where we’ve got to get back on track, both nationally and internationally. And third, there is the issue of energy security, which I think is vitally important, which we need to do a huge amount of work on.”

Those were big promises, too. They were made seven years ago by David Cameron at the outset of his first term as PM, when he pledged to lead the greenest government ever. By 2013, David Cameron was keen to ‘get rid of all the green crap’, as the hopes of 2010 smashed into the economic and political realities of Treasury austerity.

The rug was pulled from under the renewables industry: following through on the pledge to virtually ban onshore wind, and slashing the feed in tariff. Overall UK carbon emissions had been falling but the growth in renewables deployment stalled, and solar companies employing thousands of people around the country went bust.

Five years later, at the outset of his second term, David Cameron pulled the Green Deal for UK homes.

On every single one of those policy decisions, commitments, and staggering reversals Theresa May went along, bobbing along like a cork on the tide of Cabinet collective responsibility. The number of times she has spoken out on energy policy in public can be counted on the fingers of one thumb. However, she merged the Department of Energy and Climate Change into a new Department of Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy in July 2016.

While that suggests a rather less overtly ‘green’ approach to the PR side of politics than her predecessor, it is noteworthy that Theresa May has expressed consistent and strong positions on the issue of energy security. Her first noteworthy public policy decision was to initiate a pause on the development of Hinkley B, ostensibly due to concerns of increasing UK reliance on Chinese investment in its energy infrastructure.

In addition, in a complex and volatile international energy market, there are clear attractions for the PM in adopting measure which enhance energy security and the reduction on the reliance of overseas energy. Her concerns on energy supply were echoed in the 2015 Conservative manifesto, which said: ‘Without secure energy supplies, our country becomes less safe and less prosperous’.

And, in 2008, Mrs May said: “I am thrilled to see that after years of Conservative pressure, we have finally passed a necessary and ambitious piece of legislation on Climate Change. Britain is the first country in the world to formally bind itself to cut greenhouse emissions and I strongly believe this will improve our national and economic security.

“To stay reliant on fossil fuels would mean tying ourselves to increasingly unstable supplies which could endanger our energy security and the Climate Change and Energy Bills mark an important step for both the health of our economy and the health of our nation. It is now vital that we stick to these targets.”

The logic of Mrs May’s evident and consistently expressed concerns on security of energy supply is to make the UK more self-sufficient. There are two sides to that issues: firstly, the extension of green energy generation; secondly, the extension of fracking and nuclear power.

The second limb of that proposition is the most contentious. Fracking is a public relations disaster waiting to happen and the first time it is scheduled to take place in a Conservative-held marginal seat is when we will see just how committed the Conservative party is to its use. As for nuclear power, it requires considerable public support and subsidy to make it even marginally viable for the long term.

The only large energy project requiring anything like the level of price support as nuclear power is the Swansea Tidal Lagoon, which for all its carbon-saving claims involves quarrying stone in Cornwall, building new jetties extending into the Bristol Channel and transporting the stone over by barge to Swansea by the thousands of tonnes to build a tidal barrage affecting marine life and habitats across the whole of Swansea Bay.

For someone as sensitive to polls as Theresa May it is worth noting that the BEIS tracker surveys on consumer views shows significantly higher support for renewable energy (at around 75-80%) than for other options. Opposition to renewables was very low at 4%, with only 1% strongly opposed.

However, and this is where energy policies and political judgement come into play, support for renewables was lower amongst those in social grade DE (72%), aged 65+ (73%), and social renters (75%).

The first two of those groups are key electoral demographics whose support Theresa May is actively courting. The triangulation of Conservative policy on energy, which now appears to have abandoned the notion that competition delivers the best results for energy users, might not swing a lot of votes, but the Conservative leader will not be shy of using every gimmick in her arsenal to court wavering voters looking for a way to justify voting Conservative.

 

Business

Maenclochog care home turned down after community concerns

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A CARE HOME scheme for a Pembrokeshire village, which saw objections from the local community council after youngsters had ‘absconded’ from similar sites locally, will need a formal application, planners have said.

In an application to Pembrokeshire County Council, Future Nest Care Ltd, through agent Evans Banks Planning Limited, sought a certificate of lawfulness to allow the use of dwelling house Brynawel, Maenclochog as a care home for two youngsters between the ages of five and 16 with specific needs.

A supporting statement said the youngsters would be supported by three qualified and experienced staff members during the day and two at night; the certificate of lawfulness application made to establish that formal planning permission is not required to use an existing two-storey detached dwellinghouse into a residential care facility to accommodate two children, supervised 24/7 by staff.

It added: “The proposed use is designed to provide a safe, nurturing, and family-style environment to help the young residents develop essential life skills and prepare for independent living. The residing youngsters will attend local schools or colleges and participate in community life, in the same manner as any young person living in a traditional family home.

“The qualified and experienced staff will prepare those children for their re-introduction back into a life without supervised care. The residing youngsters would attend the local school or further education college, as would any youngster under 18 living in a family home.”

However, Maenclochog Community Council objected to the proposals after residents expressed their concerns.

In its objection, it said: “This proposal has raised significant concern within the village, particularly as there are already multiple provisions for similar accommodation on the outskirts of Maenclochog.

“In the past, young people accommodated at these facilities have frequently absconded, leading to repeated searches across the surrounding area. This history heightens local anxiety regarding the introduction of further such provision within the village.”

It added: “Neighbouring residents have not been consulted regarding the proposed change of use, which has led to unease and a lack of confidence in the applicants’ intentions and in the suitability of the site for this form of development.”

It went on to say: “Before any decision is made, Maenclochog Community Council strongly believes that local residents should be afforded the opportunity of a public consultation. While the proposal may represent an economic decision for the property owners, it has wider implications for the village and its residents.”

An officer report recommended refusal of the certificate of lawfulness, concluding that “a material change of use would occur in relation to the proposed use of the site and as a result a certificate of proposed lawful use cannot be granted”.

In refusing the lawfulness call, planners said “the frequency of staff changes and the number of vehicle movements associated with the proposed use of the property would be materially different to those associated with its lawful use as a dwelling,” the material change of use to a care home requiring a formal planning application.

 

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Business

New facilities at Haverfordwest Target Shooting Club agreed

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A CALL by a Pembrokeshire shooting club for more disability-friendly facilities has been given the go-ahead by county planners.

In an application to Pembrokeshire County Council, Haverfordwest Target Shooting Club, through agent Andrew Sutton Architecture, sought permission for an extension to existing target shooting club building at The Firing Range, Withybush Road, Haverfordwest to improve accessibility and internal facilities, together with associated landscaping works.

A supporting statement said: “The club’s own published history states it was founded in 1968, moved from the Drill Hall to the old wartime airfield butts at Withybush by the early 1970s, and had developed facilities over time, including the clubhouse by 1999. The established leisure/community use has existed on the site for a number of years and the proposal does not seek to intensify the core activity beyond that already authorised/established.”

It added: “The primary objective of the scheme is to improve inclusive access to the club’s facilities for disabled users and those with reduced mobility. The internal arrangement will provide adequate entrance and lobby space, clear accessible routes and appropriately designed sanitary accommodation, including an accessible wetroom/shower and separate WC.”

It also said accessible parking and surfacing designed to provide a firm, even, slip-resistant route from parking to the principal entrance.

It added: “The Equality Act 2010 places duties on service providers to make reasonable adjustments so that people with additional access needs are not placed at a substantial disadvantage.

“The proposal is therefore a positive enhancement to a community/leisure facility and supports wider policy objectives for inclusive environments.”

It went on to say: “The club operates within a highly controlled environment, and the proposed works will maintain and enhance safety and security measures.”

The application was conditionally approved by planners.

 

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News

Watchdog criticises health board over £10m GP contract checks

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A HEALTH board has been criticised by Audit Wales after GP contracts worth more than £10m were awarded without sufficient due diligence checks.

Aneurin Bevan University Health Board allowed a GP partnership associated with eHarley Street Primary Care Solutions to take on eight GP contracts in south-east Wales, with a combined annual value of around £10.1m.

Audit Wales said the board should have carried out greater scrutiny before approving the arrangements, including checks on financial resilience, workforce plans, business risks and the partnership’s ability to manage several practices at once.

However, the watchdog found no evidence of fraud and noted the board was dealing with significant pressure in general practice, including vacant contracts and limited interest from other bidders.

The report said weaknesses in governance and scrutiny contributed to later disruption and uncertainty for patients and staff when problems emerged.

Concerns included financial and workforce pressures, unpaid invoices, and issues relating to tax and pension payments. Some contracts were later handed back, requiring the health board to step in to protect services.

Natasha Asghar MS, Welsh Conservative Shadow Cabinet Minister for Health and Social Care, said the findings were “deeply concerning”.

She said: “Patients and staff were left facing disruption and uncertainty because proper scrutiny was not carried out before these contracts were awarded.

“The Welsh Conservatives believe lessons must be learned to ensure robust checks are in place, protect frontline services and restore confidence in primary care across Wales.”

Aneurin Bevan University Health Board accepted the recommendations and said it had already strengthened its processes.

Audit Wales said the case highlighted the need for stronger checks before GP contracts are transferred, particularly when a single partnership is taking on multiple practices in a short period.

 

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