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Comment: Badger and the Resistible Rise of Outrage

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BADGER sometimes wonders whether people care enough to read researched pieces in favour of getting their kicks at online outrage magnets.

Social media’s use and abuse have poisoned debate. They’ve given impetus to small-minded bigots’ voices on all sides of politics.

Instead of bringing people together, it’s driving them into smaller units. Those cliques are chosen by algorithms which record your personal data and your interactions on platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube.

The algorithms drive you more and more towards traffic they ‘think’ might appeal to you. By showing you advertisements that promote products and services you’ve expressed interest in, algorithms generate income.

Try shopping online for car insurance… see what adverts pop up on Facebook next.

For one notorious example: Britain First – a neo-Nazi front – share posts on the lines of ‘I support our brave veterans, share and show your support’. Share it and eventually, even if you don’t, someone you share it with might buy the merchandise – the badge, the t-shirt – and buy into the underlying creed.

Algorithms comb your data – with your permission. The software identifies where you’ve been online; what you’ve looked at, and whether anything stands out as gelling with the bank of advertisers waiting to pounce on you with ‘offers tailored for you’.

You end up trapped in an echo chamber. You hear views which a computer programme thinks you ought to like. The intensity of the targeting narrows down your world view by degrees.

For example, a few years ago for the purposes of research on the rise of far-right parties – particularly the BNP and their associated exclusive brethren – Badger created a false online ID and browsed the net, Twitter, and Facebook to gather information for a possible article on the methods used to ‘get’ to people online. He did the same with left-wing groups using a different identity.

It was an experience Badger found illuminating and depressing.

For a start, the algorithms’ power back then was nowhere near as powerful as now. Still, Badger was inexorably guided to pages, groups, and forums promoting extreme positions on both the right and the left. For factionalism and racism, the extremes were almost indistinguishable.

The right hated everyone, but especially Muslims and anyone to the left of Genghis Khan; the left hated everyone, but especially Jews and anyone to the right of Leon Trotsky.

The extreme right hated other factions of the extreme right. The radical left hated different sections of the extreme left. Their squabbling showed Badger that, wherever logic is replaced by blind faith, you can find someone prepared to argue over how many of their comrades can dance on the head of a pin.

And not a big pinhead, either.

Let’s look at what happens.

Suppose you share a link to something you disapprove of and tag the person who’s offended you. In that case, you might imagine you are demonstrating your disapproval and showing your opposition to whichever view you find repellent.

You are wrong. You are spreading that person’s message and the algorithms driving social media will register your interest as promoting that post.
As a working example, Badger will illustrate the issue from a Pembrokeshire standpoint. For the purposes of this exercise, Badger’s personal views are immaterial.

Pembroke Dock Central County Councillor Paul Dowson is the centre of some online attention.

Some who find his politics repulsive. Others enthusiastically endorse him.

Those who deride the Councillor do him a massive favour by repeatedly mentioning and tagging him in their posts. Those who think the Councillor is somehow brave for saying what he does do him a favour by often mentioning and tagging him in their Facebook posts. On the other side of the fence, those who support the Councillor do his opponents a massive favour by tagging them in their Facebook posts.

It’s a relationship founded on mutual and reciprocal hatred.

Although the Councillor benefits from the exposure, the ultimate beneficiary is Facebook, which monetises your page views.

If his opponents ignore him, that will leave only his supporters singing his praises to each other. Algorithms place a lower value on those interactions than apparently random bursts of attention from those who neither follow nor support him.

What Councillor Dowson’s views on ANYTHING are utterly immaterial to the process. On the one hand, he could say he wants to deport everyone whose skin colour comes after taupe on the Dulux colour chart. In his next post, he could say he wants a mosque built in every town to welcome Muslim migrants to the UK.

What he SAYS doesn’t matter to your computer or the platforms you use to view them. It doesn’t matter whether you read his thoughts with open-mouthed shock or adoration. The algorithms are both smart and stupid. All they measure is the response from others.

It’s called a web for a reason. It’s a series of connections between different nodes. If you connect at point A, you also connect to points B, C, D and beyond. Algorithms like ‘rich media’ – photographs, video, podcasts; so, join the points (nodes) to create online influence. And once you are recognised as an influencer, you’re on the way to making money.

Interview a Holocaust Denier, and they’ll share it. Their followers will share it. Suddenly, you’re one of the UK’s top ten Flag-shaggers.
Much-loved racist neo-Nazi thug and fraudster ‘Tommy Robinson’ did it with his PayPal patriotism. Others have followed the same primrose path, albeit on a much smaller scale.

Readers: if you want to really make that sort of thing go away, you face two choices: both preclude debate.

Firstly, you can ignore it and hope it all goes away. Badger calls this the Blair-Cameron approach. It won’t work; or Secondly, the 57 varieties of outraged get smart, focus locally, address what others are concerned about, and stop whining.

It’s what political parties used to do before the world disintegrated into single-issue groups arguing over pronouns, history, and the meaning of abstract concepts like ‘sovereignty’.

Politics for grown-ups using modern technology… it could be worth a punt. Don’t form a committee to discuss it. Just do it.

It’s hardly the most outrageous suggestion you’re likely to read this week.

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What I’m taking away from Netflix’s ‘Adolescence’

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By Melissa Knight, Marketing Manager, Ogi

TV shows rarely have that big moment these days – that rattle of emotion – but Adolescence on Netflix has it.

It hit harder than I’d thought it would. Maybe because I still carry echoes of my own teenage years. Maybe because the world that today’s teens are growing up in feels so unrecognisable. Or maybe because it all just felt a little too real.

The show follows a 13-year-old boy caught up in something terrible – and it doesn’t take long before you stop seeing a character on a screen. You start seeing bits of someone you used to be. That awkwardness. That quiet yearning to belong to something, anything. It stirs something deep. A reminder of how fragile those years really are.

When I was thirteen, the “playground” was a real place. It was splintered wood and metal slides that got too hot in summer. It was scraped knees, whispered secrets, dares you regretted before you hit the ground. But what happened in the park stayed in the park.

Fall out with someone? It was over by the time you got home. Embarrassed yourself? You laughed it off by the next day. There was a mercy in how temporary it all was.

Now, the playgrounds have shifted. They’re glowing screens and endless scrolls. They’re everywhere – and nowhere. What happens in them doesn’t stay there. It follows. It’s screenshotted. Shared. Immortalised. The stakes feel higher, the audience wider. And the exit? Not so obvious.

It’s easy to forget how hard it is to grow up while being watched. Not just by friends and peers, but by an invisible world waiting to react. And while some corners of the internet offer comfort, others are far more insidious – especially for boys. Adolescence pulls back the curtain on that. Shows how some of these digital spaces dress up in language that sounds supportive, even healing – until you listen a little closer and hear the undercurrents of anger, of control, of something deeply warped.

And it’s subtle. A new phrase. A new tone. The way a joke lands that makes you tilt your head and wonder. The bravado that sometimes feels a little too rehearsed. These shifts in language and posture – they tell a story, if you’re listening closely.

One scene in Adolescence made that painfully clear: a boy explains the meaning behind certain emojis to baffled adults. Every child watching understood immediately. The adults had no idea.

That moment stayed with me.

Because that was it – the line in the sand. The quiet reveal that there’s a whole world of coded language, of cultural shorthand, happening in plain sight. A language that, once upon a time, you spoke fluently – and now, you don’t. Not fluently, anyway. That gap? That’s the gap we need to notice, and bridge.

Since watching, I’ve been thinking a lot more about those spaces we grew up in – how physical they were. Playgrounds where risk came in the form of a fall from the monkey bars, not a comment thread that spirals into humiliation. Community spaces where you learned about people through presence, not profile pictures. But now, the playgrounds are algorithmically curated. The games have changed. And the communities? They’re scattered across platforms, even continents – some warm and welcoming, others cold and echoing with cruelty.

I’ve found myself paying closer attention lately. Asking better questions – not to interrogate, but to understand. “What was it about that video that made it funny?” and “Do you think they really meant that, or were they just trying to go viral?”

Sometimes those questions lead somewhere. Sometimes they don’t. But the asking matters. It says: I’m here. I see you. And maybe that’s the most any of us can do – be present. Not in every scroll or click, but in the pauses in between. In the quiet moments when the noise dies down and the real stuff can surface.

Because the truth is, the risks of growing up haven’t disappeared – they’ve just changed shape. They’ve gone digital. They’ve gone quiet. And they’re far more persistent.

So, we adapt. We put up a few guardrails – not walls, just soft boundaries. Filters. Time limits. Conversations.

Not because we want to control the experience, but because we know and remember what it was like to fall. And we’d rather the landing not be so hard.

Adolescence didn’t just remind me of what it means to grow up – it reminded me how much the environment matters. That the scaffolding around a person – their playground, their peers, their virtual hideouts – shapes them. And that those scaffolds are ours to notice, to question, to repair when needed.

I didn’t expect a TV show to shake me like this one did. But I’m glad it did. Because it made it clear: we might not be able to rebuild the old playgrounds. But we can still help make the new ones safer. And maybe that’s enough.

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Council’s historic budget decision: A step forward or political manoeuvre?

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EDITORIAL BY COUNTY COUNCILLOR ALAN DENNISON

A RECENTLY published Herald article stated: “This is the first time in the council’s history that an administration has accepted a budget proposed by an opposition group.”

This milestone should encourage a shift away from the routine party political manoeuvres that often dominate council discussions. More importantly, it serves as a reminder to the Leader that listening should extend beyond the largest opposition group and council members—it should prioritise the residents of Pembrokeshire who fund these positions and expect quality services at a fair cost. The days of expecting ratepayers to finance unnecessary projects are coming to an end.

Budget criticism and optimism

While the budget has faced public criticism for failing to provide sufficient relief, leading to increased burdens on taxpayers and service reductions, much of this criticism is valid. The budget was crafted within a limited timeframe, but it does offer a sense of hope—the first in years where services are being restored, including those cut last year and those earmarked for cuts by the current administration. The details of these services are available in the accompanying documents, but the budget ensures their implementation with minimal risk.

This budget also marks the first phase in a long-term effort to strengthen the council’s financial standing. Moving forward, highly paid cabinet members will be expected to set annual objectives and provide monthly updates on their progress, particularly regarding departmental savings. Budgets must not be allowed to accumulate unchecked, as they have within social services, without accountability from the responsible cabinet member. Furthermore, the council must disclose full costs and revenues for the services it provides.

Future priorities and efficiency measures

For the 2025/26 financial year, priority should be given to Invest to Save initiatives, asset management, and reviewing loss-making services. The council can no longer afford unnecessary expenses, such as company car payments for senior positions, or the excessive number of high-paying roles. A job review should be conducted to streamline senior management as positions become vacant.

Exploring resource-sharing with other authorities is another avenue worth pursuing. For instance, the ambulance service could share vehicle maintenance facilities, reducing costs by pooling resources for preferential fuel rates and insurance. Additionally, offering pet cremation services at Narberth could create a new revenue stream. Numerous such opportunities await identification.

Closer collaboration with Hywel Dda University Health Board could lead to improvements in social services, while shared back-office functions—such as road sweepers, grit lorries, and highway maintenance—could reduce costs. Savings from these efficiencies should be ring-fenced to fund apprenticeships in mechanics, office administration, public protection, and other hard-to-fill positions.

A comparison with the Tory budget proposal

This budget and its savings proposals were developed by the Independent group. But how does it compare to the alternative budget proposed by the Tories? Cllr Thomas has condemned the accepted budget, referring to his “team”—though it remains unclear who is in this team that will supposedly rescue the county from financial difficulties. What does their budget contain? A collection of Fumbling Ifs & Buts, or FIBs for short.

Leisure services: the reality behind the proposal

The Tory budget proposes restructuring leisure services by transferring operations to a not-for-profit company, Freedom Leisure, owned by Wealden Leisure Ltd. Their chief officer earned £190,000 last year, with other directors receiving between £120,000 and £160,000. While the company claims to be non-profit, its approach to cost-cutting is clear—higher charges for pools, gyms, and halls, reduced heating in pools, scaled-back cleaning, and malfunctioning booking systems. Trustpilot, a respected review site, rates Freedom Leisure poorly, with 83% of reviews at one star, citing these exact cost-cutting measures. Do we really want to see Pembrokeshire’s leisure centres suffer the same fate? FIB number 1.

Selling council properties: a vague promise

The Tory budget includes plans to sell off council properties—but which ones? What are their values? How quickly can they be sold? These unknowns render this another FIB.

Housing and efficiency cuts

The proposal also plans to stop funding the Affordable Housing Reserve next year to support a headline council tax rate of 7.5%. Future reductions are subject to an annual review—another uncertain FIB.

Furthermore, the Tories suggest increasing the Chief Executive’s efficiency savings target by £200,000, raising it to £1.5 million. However, even they acknowledge this may not be achievable, planning to use reserves to cover any shortfall. A surefire FIB.

A proposed review of the regeneration department aims to save £250,000, but since this is not guaranteed, reserves will again be used as a backup. Another 100% FIB.

Scrapping the Enhancing Pembrokeshire grant scheme

One concrete element of the Tory budget is the complete removal of the Enhancing Pembrokeshire grant scheme, which funds community improvement projects. Unlike their other claims, this is not a FIB—but it does mean fewer opportunities for local communities to access funding.

The reality of Tory cuts

While the Tories claim to oppose service reductions, their budget includes more cuts than the Independent group’s proposal. These include:

  • Eliminating social care assessment staff.
  • Cutting revenue and benefits staff—the very people responsible for rent collection.
  • Reducing equipment budgets for children with physical and sensory needs.
  • Scaling back street cleaning, grass cutting, and litter bins, leading to more litter and overgrown public areas.
  • Slashing early years education funding, undermining statutory obligations under the Childcare Act 2006.
  • Closing Thornton Sports Hall for community use.

The choice for Pembrokeshire

The decision before the council is clear: a carefully costed budget from the Independent group, supported by the current administration, or a budget based on FIBs and deeper service cuts. Pembrokeshire’s future depends on making the right choice.

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Trump’s disgraceful treatment of Ukraine – Pembrokeshire stands with Zelenskyy

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“Ukraine is fighting not just for its own freedom, but for the principles of democracy and justice that should unite us all”, says Herald Editor, Tom Sinclair

THERE are moments in history when leaders define themselves—not just by what they say, but by how they treat others. On Friday (Feb 28), in a shocking display of arrogance and ignorance, President Donald Trump showed the world precisely what kind of leader he is. In an extraordinary and disgraceful diplomatic blunder, Trump asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to leave the White House, cutting short a meeting that was meant to strengthen ties between the two nations. Instead of supporting a country fighting for its survival, Trump chose to humiliate its leader.

This was not just a moment of political theatre; it was an insult to every Ukrainian citizen suffering under Russia’s brutal invasion, to every soldier defending their homeland, and to every nation that has stood up against tyranny.

For all his bluster about “making America great,” Trump’s latest act proves yet again that he does not understand the difference between strength and bullying. A strong leader stands by their allies. A weak leader turns their back when it’s convenient. A strong leader understands diplomacy. A weak leader throws a tantrum when things don’t go their way.

Trump’s dismissive attitude towards Ukraine is a betrayal of not just one nation but of democratic values themselves. Under his administration, the White House has become a revolving door of diplomatic disasters, with world leaders leaving insulted and America’s reputation in tatters. Instead of standing up to Vladimir Putin—the aggressor responsible for this war—Trump appears more interested in undermining Ukraine at every turn. His words and actions send a dangerous message: that the United States is no longer a reliable ally, and that dictators can act with impunity.

Unlike Trump and his administration, the people of Pembrokeshire have demonstrated true solidarity with Ukraine. When Russia launched its unprovoked invasion, our community stepped up. Five vans filled with essential supplies were sent directly to those in need, organised by The Pembrokeshire Herald and backed by the incredible generosity of local people. Our firefighters have sent vital equipment to help their Ukrainian counterparts. Across our county, individuals and businesses have raised money, collected aid, and stood in unwavering support of Ukraine’s right to defend itself.

We do this because we understand something Trump never will: that integrity, compassion, and standing up for what’s right matter more than self-serving political games. Pembrokeshire knows that Ukraine is fighting not just for its own freedom, but for the principles of democracy and justice that should unite us all.

History teaches us that bullies never win. Whether it’s on the playground or the world stage, those who use power to intimidate and belittle eventually face their reckoning. Trump’s pathetic treatment of Ukraine will not be forgotten. The world is watching, and America’s allies are taking note. The bonds between democratic nations will not be broken by one man’s petulance.

Vans carrying aid for Ukraine waiting to board ferry in Dover in 2022 (Image: Herald)

The Pembrokeshire Herald remains steadfast in its support for Ukraine. We stand with President Zelenskyy. We stand with the Ukrainian people. And we stand with all those who believe that democracy, freedom, and justice must prevail over the cowardice and corruption of those who would rather appease tyrants.

Trump’s disgraceful behaviour will be remembered for what it is: a moment of shame. But the bravery of Ukraine and the solidarity of those who support it will be remembered for what it represents: hope, resilience, and the undeniable truth that justice will triumph in the end.

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