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Ministry of Defence

PARC Against DARC opposes new military facility in Pembrokeshire

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Plans for a munitions factory on a gas pipeline in Milford Haven show “contempt for Wales”, say campaigners

CAMPAIGNERS have criticised the UK Government’s announcement that Milford Haven is being considered as a potential site for a new military munitions plant, warning that it would increase militarisation in Wales and place communities at unnecessary risk.

PARC Against DARC – the group established in 2024 to oppose the proposed US-run Deep Space Advanced Radar Capability (DARC) site at Brawdy – says it “categorically opposes” any further expansion of military infrastructure in Wales. The group argues that the proposed factory is “unwanted, unnecessary, and bad for the area”.

RNAD Milford Haven opened in 1939 and closed in the 1980’s

In a strongly worded statement, the campaign said: “PARC Against DARC is categorically against increased military spending at the behest of the US and Trump. We are against the rush to war with Russia, but even more so against the bigger risk of inciting a whole new Cold War with China.”

The campaign says the UK is prioritising military investment over diplomatic solutions, while repeatedly choosing Wales as a location for military installations.

Former RNAD Milford Haven is located at Black Bridge

“At a time when political solutions to conflict are needed more than ever, the UK Labour government always seems to have the money to find yet another excuse to paint a military target on Wales’s back… It is no coincidence to us that they rarely seem to find a reason to put many of them in the nicer parts of the South of England, but they’re happy to push for arms factories and massive radar farms in some of the most beautiful parts of our country.”

The group also questioned the Defence Secretary’s claim that the project could create around 1,000 jobs across 13 UK sites.

“John Healey’s suggested 1,000 jobs across 13 sites is not a very significant number of jobs at all for the privilege of making Milford Haven—which sits on the UK’s largest high-pressure gas pipeline and is known for a nearby major oil refinery—into even more of a target.”

The statement continues: “We find it especially abhorrent that Defence Secretary John Healey is now parroting the US’s aggressive rhetoric, using phrases such as ‘war-fighting readiness’ when a nation’s priority should always be to strive towards maintaining peace.”

“Have we learned nothing from the aggressive colonial wars of Iraq or Afghanistan? Hundreds of thousands of people died as a result of the UK propping up US aggression purely for the sake of US supremacy and domination of oil and resources.”

PARC Against DARC argues that a munitions factory will not benefit the local area:

“We do not need a US-run DARC space wars radar in Pembrokeshire, and a munitions factory in Milford Haven would bring a pitiful number of jobs for how much of a military target it would make a town on a high-pressure gas pipeline. It would bring absolutely nothing positive to the area.”

Campaigners say military spending is the least effective form of public investment: “After fifteen years of austerity and cuts to our social infrastructure, we need investment in public services and to reverse the cost-of-living crisis far more than we need to siphon yet more profits to arms companies.”

They also highlight environmental concerns: “Agitation for war is an extremely polluting and high-carbon exercise. To tackle the climate emergency and provide high-skilled, secure jobs in Pembrokeshire we need massive investment in green jobs as part of a coherent green industrial strategy.”

On global tensions, the campaign states: “The rhetoric coming from our leaders seems to be attempting to manufacture a consensus view that China is a huge global threat… but when you consider that the US has over 750 military bases around the world where China has none, it begs the question: who are the real aggressors here?”

Evidence of some political support

PARC Against DARC said that its campaign has gained significant political traction. A Statement of Opinion opposing the radar site has been signed by a third of Senedd Members, while an Early Day Motion in Westminster has attracted cross-party backing.

Plaid Cymru and the Green Party have publicly stated their opposition to both the DARC radar and any munitions factory in Milford Haven. Campaigners say they are prepared to challenge any planning application “if ever submitted”.

They add that the 2026 Senedd elections – with proportional representation, a larger Welsh Parliament and votes for 16–18 year olds – could result in a progressive coalition “far less sympathetic to DARC or any further militarism of Wales”.

Images: Martin Cavaney

 

Ministry of Defence

Defence families in Wales to save up to £6,000 under new childcare scheme

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A MAJOR new childcare support scheme for Armed Forces families will be rolled out across Wales from September 2026, the UK Government has announced.

The initiative is expected to save eligible families up to £6,000 per child each year, providing a significant boost to household finances amid ongoing cost-of-living pressures.

The scheme will be delivered through the Ministry of Defence’s existing Early Years childcare reimbursement system and will bring Wales in line with the level of support already available to forces families in England.

Today, 19/03/2026 The Secretary of State for Defence John Healey visited Dreghorn Barracks, Edinburgh, home to 3rd Battalion the Rifles. He met with families to launch a new scheme for Defence Families in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

Ministers say the move is part of a wider effort to improve recruitment and retention in the Armed Forces, with childcare costs identified as a key pressure affecting morale.

The new support will cover children from nine months old until they reach three years of age in Wales and Scotland, and up to four years old in Northern Ireland.

Defence Secretary John Healey MP announced the scheme during a visit to Dreghorn Barracks in Edinburgh.

He said: “Our Armed Forces families are at the heart of our nation’s security. As the demands on defence increase, it is right that we step up our support for those who serve.

“This offer will ensure more military families get the childcare support they need, wherever they are posted.”

Secretary of State for Wales Jo Stevens added: “Service families in Wales make huge sacrifices and deserve the best possible support.

“They contribute not only to our national security but also to the Welsh economy. This scheme delivers meaningful help with the cost of childcare.”

The scheme will reimburse the difference in early years childcare costs for eligible working families. To qualify, both parents must be in employment and meet the income thresholds required for a Tax-Free Childcare account.

Hundreds of families across Wales are expected to benefit.

The announcement forms part of a broader package of support introduced since July 2024, including improved military housing, the largest Armed Forces pay rise in two decades, and plans to strengthen the Armed Forces Covenant in law.

Further details will be provided in the coming months, with families encouraged to begin considering childcare arrangements ahead of the scheme’s launch.

 

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Ministry of Defence

Could Milford Haven be a target? Are we exposed as UK relies on US for missile defence?

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Cold War fears resurface as Iran’s reach grows and Britain admits it has no independent shield

PEMBROKESHIRE has long been considered a strategic target — and during the Cold War, the county’s energy infrastructure and Atlantic access placed it firmly on the radar of military planners.

Today, those same strengths are raising uncomfortable questions once again.

As tensions rise following Iran’s attempted strike on a UK–US base at Diego Garcia on Saturday (March 21), the debate has shifted sharply: not whether Britain is under immediate threat — but whether it would be protected if that ever changed.

Strategic target

Milford Haven is home to some of the UK’s most critical energy assets, including major LNG terminals and oil infrastructure that supply a significant share of the nation’s gas.

In strategic terms, such facilities would rank among the most valuable economic targets in any high-level conflict.

For many in Pembrokeshire, that reality is nothing new. During the Cold War, the area was widely regarded as a potential target due to its importance to Britain’s energy security.

Lessons from Diego Garcia

The attempted strike on Diego Garcia has become a defining moment in the current crisis.

The joint UK–US base is a heavily defended military installation, supported by advanced radar systems and US naval assets. Reports indicate that one of the incoming missiles was intercepted before it could reach its target, while another failed.

But that success raises a more troubling question.

If a missile can be intercepted over a fortified base in the Indian Ocean, what happens when the target is a civilian energy hub in west Wales?

No shield over Britain

The UK has no dedicated system to intercept long-range ballistic missiles over its own territory.

While RAF Fylingdales provides early warning and tracking, it cannot stop an incoming threat.

Britain’s air defence network is designed to deal with aircraft, drones and cruise missiles — not high-speed ballistic weapons travelling through space.

In practical terms, if a missile were ever heading toward a location such as Milford Haven, there is no British-operated system that could reliably stop it at the last moment.

Reliance on the United States

Instead, any interception attempt would fall to the United States and wider NATO systems.

These include:

  • Aegis Ashore missile defence bases in Eastern Europe
  • US Navy warships equipped with SM-3 interceptors
  • Integrated NATO tracking and command networks

These systems are capable of striking a missile in space during its midcourse phase — but only if the missile passes within range.

If it does not, there may be no interception at all.

Even when an attempt is made, success is not guaranteed. Analysts estimate that such systems have a probability of success of between 50 and 80 per cent under test conditions, meaning multiple interceptors are often fired at a single target to improve the odds.

Europe now “within range”

The debate has intensified following warnings from Israel that Iran’s latest missiles could reach far beyond the Middle East.

Israeli officials have claimed that the system used in the Diego Garcia attempt was a two-stage ballistic missile with a range of around 4,000 km — potentially placing parts of Europe within reach.

Cities such as London, Paris and Berlin have been cited as falling within the outer limits of that range, although experts stress that range on paper does not necessarily translate into reliable, repeatable strike capability.

Experts divided

Defence analysts remain split.

Some say the attempted long-range strike marks a clear step forward in Iran’s capabilities, moving the threat from theoretical to credible.

Others caution that Iran’s operational missile arsenal has historically been limited to around 2,000 km, suggesting that any longer-range capability may still be experimental rather than deployable.

UK Government response

Ministers have sought to calm fears, insisting there is no current evidence that Iran has either the intent or the capability to strike the UK mainland.

At the same time, the government has condemned Iran’s actions as “reckless” and emphasised that Britain will work with allies to protect its interests.

That response reflects a broader reality.

Deterrence, not defence

Britain’s primary protection is not interception — it is deterrence.

Any successful strike on UK soil would almost certainly trigger a major NATO response, making such an attack extraordinarily risky for any adversary.

But deterrence does not eliminate vulnerability.

The bottom line

Pembrokeshire’s strategic importance has not changed — but the conversation around long-range threats has.

The UK can detect a missile. It can track it. It can coordinate with allies and attempt an interception at distance.

But when it comes to stopping it over Britain itself, there is no independent shield — only reliance on US and NATO systems being in the right place at the right time.

For communities built around critical infrastructure like Milford Haven, that raises a stark and uncomfortable question:

If the unthinkable ever became reality, who — if anyone — would be able to stop it?

 

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Britain exposed: UK has no real shield against long-range Iranian missile threat

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Reliance on US interceptors leaves gaps as Iran’s reach grows

BRITAIN would struggle to defend itself against a long-range ballistic missile attack and would instead rely heavily on American systems based in Eastern Europe and at sea — with no guarantee of success.

That is the stark reality emerging after Iran’s attempted strike on a UK–US base at Diego Garcia on Saturday (March 21), a move that caught many world leaders off guard and marked a significant escalation in capability.

Defence analysts say that its possible for Iran to hit targets of up to 4000 miles away

Concerns are further heightened by Iran’s development of larger space launch vehicles, including the Simorgh, Zuljanah, Ghaem-100 and Qased systems, which on paper demonstrate ranges of between 2,200 km and up to 6,000 km, with payload capacities of up to 1,000 kg. While these rockets are officially designed to place satellites into orbit rather than deliver warheads, they use the same multi-stage technology and propulsion systems found in long-range ballistic missiles. Defence analysts have long warned that such programmes provide a clear pathway to intercontinental strike capability, raising the prospect that parts of Europe — and potentially even the UK — could fall within reach if these technologies are adapted for military use.

No UK shield over Britain

The UK has no dedicated system to shoot down long-range ballistic missiles over its own territory.

While RAF Fylingdales provides early warning and tracking, it cannot intercept incoming threats. Britain’s air defence network — including RAF jets and ground systems — is designed for aircraft, drones and cruise missiles, not high-speed ballistic weapons.

In simple terms, if a missile were heading toward a target such as Milford Haven’s energy facilities, there is no British-operated system that could reliably stop it at the last moment.

America would have to act

Instead, any interception attempt would fall to the United States.

Key assets include:

  • Aegis Ashore missile defence bases in Romania and Poland
  • US Navy warships equipped with SM-3 interceptors
  • Wider NATO tracking and coordination systems

These systems are capable of striking a missile in space during its midcourse phase, long before it reaches the UK.

But there is a crucial limitation: they can only engage if the missile passes within range of those systems.

If the trajectory falls outside that envelope — or if no US ship is positioned correctly — there may be no interception at all.

A probability, not protection

Even when an intercept is attempted, success is far from certain.

Testing data for the SM-3 system suggests success rates of roughly 50 to 80 per cent per engagement, depending on conditions. In practice, multiple interceptors are often fired at a single target to improve the odds.

That still leaves a significant margin for failure.

In a real-world scenario involving countermeasures, technical faults or multiple missiles, the chances of at least one getting through rise sharply.

Gaps in coverage

The NATO missile defence network is not a continuous shield.

It is a patchwork of coverage zones tied to specific systems:

  • Romania and Poland provide fixed land-based interception capability
  • US warships offer flexible but limited coverage depending on deployment

There is no permanent protective umbrella over the UK itself.

If a missile does not pass through one of those defended zones, Britain would effectively be relying on luck and geometry.

Deterrence, not defence

Ultimately, the UK’s primary protection is not interception — it is deterrence.

Any successful strike on British soil would almost certainly trigger a major NATO response, making such an attack extraordinarily risky for any adversary.

But deterrence does not equal defence.

A growing concern

Iran’s attempted long-range strike on Diego Garcia has shifted the debate sharply.

The use of a missile capable of travelling thousands of kilometres surprised many Western leaders, who had not expected Tehran to demonstrate that level of reach in the current crisis. Although one missile failed and another was intercepted, the incident has raised fresh questions about how far Iran’s capabilities have advanced.

For years, the idea of a missile threat to Europe — let alone Britain — was largely theoretical. Now, defence analysts are treating it as a credible future risk, even if capability remains limited today.

The bottom line

The UK can detect a missile, track it, and coordinate a response — but when it comes to actually stopping it, the country would be dependent on American systems operating at distance, with no certainty of success.

If a missile ever did get through, there would be little standing between it and its target.

And that is the uncomfortable truth behind the headlines.

 

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