News
Starmer admits Brexit was a mistake – so who is to blame, and what has Britain lost?
AFTER nearly a decade of division, economic drift and diplomatic damage, Britain’s Prime Minister has finally said what most of the country now believes – that Brexit was a mistake.
It doesn’t matter which side of politics you’re on – everyone agrees that the whole thing has been a disaster. The only point still in dispute is whose fault it is.
At the Labour Party conference in Liverpool, Sir Keir Starmer accused “self-appointed representatives of the people” of having “sold the lie of Brexit and walked away.” His words marked the first time a serving Prime Minister has openly acknowledged that leaving the European Union was not the patriotic liberation it was promised to be, but a national misstep.
The comment sent shockwaves through Westminster, reigniting one of the most bitter debates in modern British politics. Yet for millions of voters, the sense of regret has been building for years.
A gamble for party unity

The story begins with David Cameron, who called the 2016 referendum not because the country demanded it, but because his own party did. Under pressure from Eurosceptic MPs and Nigel Farage’s insurgent UKIP, Cameron gambled Britain’s future on what he thought would be an easy victory.
When the country voted narrowly to leave, he resigned the next morning, leaving no plan, no leadership and no roadmap for what came next. It was, in hindsight, the original sin of the Brexit era – a national plebiscite called for internal party management, with consequences that would last for generations.
Sold a dream that could never be delivered
Millions of people voted Leave in good faith, driven by real hopes of control, fairness and national pride. Those hopes were genuine – even if the promises were not.
The Vote Leave campaign, fronted by Boris Johnson and Michael Gove, sold a dream that could never be delivered. Britain, they claimed, would “take back control,” save £350 million a week for the NHS, and strike better trade deals across the globe. None of it proved true.

Instead, Johnson’s government pursued the hardest possible form of Brexit, severing ties with the single market and customs union. The slogan “Get Brexit Done” became a substitute for economic strategy. What followed was customs red tape, labour shortages and collapsing export volumes – not liberation but isolation.
Nigel Farage, the self-styled champion of the people, helped make Brexit inevitable but bore none of the responsibility for its execution. Having declared victory, he promptly walked away, leaving others to manage the fallout he had helped create.
The missing opposition

Labour’s leadership at the time also bears blame. Jeremy Corbyn’s half-hearted Remain campaign failed to offer voters a clear alternative vision of Britain inside Europe. His refusal to take a strong stand on a second referendum allowed Leave rhetoric to dominate in former Labour heartlands, paving the way for Johnson’s landslide in 2019.
Years of damage
Nine years later, the impact is undeniable.
- Economically, UK trade with the EU is down around 15 per cent compared with pre-Brexit trends. The OBR estimates the economy is 4 per cent smaller than it would have been inside the single market.
- Politically, Britain’s standing in Europe has diminished. Diplomats describe a country once seen as a bridge between the US and Europe now reduced to a spectator.
- Socially, Brexit has deepened divides between generations, regions and nations – fuelling support for independence movements in Scotland and rekindling border tensions in Northern Ireland.
- Culturally, the end of free movement has shrunk opportunities for young people, artists and small businesses that once thrived on easy access to Europe.
What was promised as the restoration of sovereignty has often felt like the surrender of influence.
A reckoning at last
Starmer’s admission does not mean a push to rejoin the EU – at least not yet. The Prime Minister insists that his goal is to “make Brexit work,” not to reopen old wounds. But in acknowledging that Britain was misled, he has broken a political taboo that long constrained debate.
In doing so, he reflects public opinion. Polls show around 60 per cent of Britons now believe leaving the EU was a mistake. Only a third still defend it. The great national silence around Brexit is finally cracking.
Who bears the blame?
If Brexit – or at least the version of it we have lived through – was a national act of self-harm, it was one committed with many hands on the knife. Responsibility is spread across parties, personalities and decades of political cowardice.
David Cameron lit the fuse. Terrified of losing his grip on a divided Conservative Party, he promised a referendum he thought he couldn’t lose. When he did, he walked away the next morning — no plan, no roadmap, no leadership.
Boris Johnson turned that gamble into a crusade. He gave Brexit its swagger and its slogans — “Take Back Control,” “Get Brexit Done” — but not the substance to make them real. When the slogans ran out, the hard border, the trade friction and the labour shortages remained.
Nigel Farage weaponised frustration. For years he railed against Brussels, the establishment and immigration — giving voice to grievances that were real, but offering no workable plan to fix them. When the chaos began, he claimed victory and left the stage.
Jeremy Corbyn, leading Labour at the time, could have offered clarity. Instead, his half-hearted Remain campaign and later fence-sitting over a second referendum left voters uncertain what Labour stood for. The result was a landslide for Johnson and a mandate for the hardest form of Brexit imaginable.

Behind them all stood sections of the British press, which for years turned the EU into a cartoon villain — a convenient scapegoat for problems made in Westminster. The drip of distortion became the tide that carried the country out.

And finally, there is the electorate itself — millions who voted in good faith, believing they were taking back control. They were promised sovereignty and prosperity; they got neither. They were sold hope — and left with red tape.
| Figure | Role in the debacle | Legacy |
|---|---|---|
| David Cameron | Called the referendum for party reasons, then walked away | Lit the fuse |
| Boris Johnson | Fronted a campaign of slogans and deceit | Delivered a hard Brexit that damaged trade |
| Nigel Farage | Whipped up anti-EU populism | Created pressure but offered no plan |
| Jeremy Corbyn | Failed to lead a clear Remain alternative | Left voters confused and divided |
| The tabloid press | Fuelled myths about Brussels and immigration | Normalised misinformation |
| The electorate | Voted for a dream that never existed | Still living with the consequences |
What the future holds
Britain’s road back to stability will not run through Brussels alone. For now, rejoining the EU remains politically out of reach – both because of public fatigue and the sheer complexity of reversing the 2020 withdrawal agreement. But a quiet realignment is already under way.
Starmer’s government has reopened channels with European partners on security, youth mobility, science and energy cooperation, signalling a more pragmatic tone after years of confrontation. Ministers talk of “building trust first” – widely understood in Brussels as laying the groundwork for closer ties when the political climate allows.
Yet that climate has shifted again. Farage is back from the political wilderness – and look where he is now. After reclaiming the leadership of Reform UK in mid-2024 and spending more than a year rebuilding its base, he has now driven the party past the Conservatives in the polls and forced Starmer onto the defensive.

Farage’s promise to “finish the job” of leaving the EU entirely has revived the rhetoric many thought buried. His power lies not in policy but in disruption – in turning anger into momentum and disillusionment into votes.
For all their differences, there is one point on which Keir Starmer and Nigel Farage now agree – that Brexit was not done well. The Remainer who wanted to stay and the campaigner who made leaving his life’s mission have arrived, from opposite ends of the spectrum, at the same conclusion: Britain got Brexit wrong.
The only question now is who the country will trust to put it right – the man who says he can fix it, or the one who still vows to finish it.
Education
Attendance concerns at Milford School reflect wider issue raised at the Senedd
ATTENDANCE was formally identified as one of the key weaknesses at Milford Haven School after inspectors placed the school into special measures — an issue that has also been raised at the Senedd as part of growing concern about school attendance across Wales.
In its November 2025 inspection report, Estyn made six recommendations for improvement at Milford Haven School, including a specific call to improve attendance, listed as Recommendation R5. Inspectors concluded that special measures were required and said progress would be monitored regularly.

The focus on attendance locally mirrors a broader national debate, after figures discussed in the Senedd showed that attendance levels across Wales remain significantly below pre-pandemic levels, particularly among vulnerable pupils.
During Spokesperson’s Questions to the Welsh Government’s Cabinet Secretary for Education, the Welsh Conservatives highlighted that more than half of the most vulnerable pupils in Wales were persistently absent during 2024/25, compared with 30.4 per cent in 2018/19. Persistent absence is defined as missing at least ten per cent of school sessions in a year.
The figures also showed that Year 11 pupils recorded the lowest attendance, averaging 86.8 per cent in 2024/25 — 6.4 percentage points lower than before the pandemic.
Political reaction
Following the exchange, Natasha Asghar MS, the Welsh Conservatives’ shadow cabinet secretary for education, said the Welsh Government was failing to meet its own targets on attendance.
She said the government had promised to restore attendance to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the current Senedd term, but warned that with only a few months remaining, that commitment looked unlikely to be met.
She said vulnerable pupils were being disproportionately affected, adding that behind the figures were children missing out on learning, with potential long-term consequences for their education and future prospects.
The Welsh Conservatives also criticised the recent Labour–Plaid Cymru budget agreement, arguing that it would not deliver the changes needed to improve attendance or educational outcomes.
Local and national pressure
Estyn’s recommendation to improve attendance at Milford Haven School comes alongside other concerns highlighted in the inspection, including teaching quality, leadership and management, facilities, and financial oversight.
The inspection found that attendance at the school was below that of similar schools and well below pre-pandemic levels — a pattern reflected across much of Wales, according to national data.
Education professionals and children’s organisations have repeatedly warned that attendance challenges are closely linked to wider issues, including mental health, additional learning needs, family pressures and disengagement following the pandemic.
What happens next
Under the special measures process, Milford Haven School is required to produce a detailed action plan setting out how it will address Estyn’s recommendations, including attendance. Inspectors are expected to return every four to six months to monitor progress.
Pembrokeshire County Council has previously said it is working closely with the school and Estyn to support improvements, while the Welsh Government has said it continues to work with local authorities to improve attendance and re-engage pupils.
As scrutiny of school standards intensifies both locally and nationally, attendance is likely to remain a central issue — for Milford Haven School and for education policy across Wales.
Education
‘Vulnerable teen’ questioned by police at Milford Haven School
Mother raises concerns over delay in being informed following cannabis incident
A MILFORD HAVEN parent has raised serious safeguarding concerns after her 13-year-old son—who has ADHD and autism—was questioned by police at Milford Haven School in connection with suspected cannabis, without her being informed for several hours.
Jenn Reynolds said the incident occurred at around 12:00pm, but she was not contacted until 5:00pm, when deputy head Mr Thomas phoned her. She alleges another pupil brought suspected cannabis into school and handed it to her son, Rhys, who she says was “forced” into looking after it. Rhys was searched and questioned by attending officers, and did not disclose the matter to his mother beforehand.

“My kid is vulnerable—he would agree to anything,” Ms Reynolds said. “He has additional needs, and I should have been notified immediately so I could be present during any search or questioning.”
She added that her son now faces disciplinary action, including possible expulsion or placement in the school’s “REMOVE” provision, an internal withdrawal or isolation room. Ms Reynolds also referenced a prior Year 7 incident in which her son was assaulted and footage circulated on Snapchat; she claims she was initially told the perpetrator was expelled but later learned it was only temporary, and her expressions of concern at that time led to a temporary ban from the school premises.
The matter is now being discussed in local parent group chats, with some encouraging escalation.
Council and school response
Pembrokeshire County Council confirmed its education and safeguarding teams are involved and that “appropriate communication was held with key agencies.”
On the delay in parental notification, a spokesperson said: “The parent should be advised of any safeguarding concerns as soon as possible—this may mean a delay as the school looks into the concerns and liaises with agencies such as police.”
The council emphasised support for vulnerable learners, adding: “Support is provided to any young person with an appropriate adult present and the process explained to them in a way which they would understand.”
In a further clarification, the authority confirmed that an appropriate adult was present during police interaction with the pupil. The council said the school would continue to maintain support and communication with the family.
Recent Estyn inspection and special measures
The incident comes against the backdrop of Milford Haven School being placed into special measures, Estyn’s most serious category of follow-up, following a core inspection, with the report published on Wednesday last week (Jan 22). Both the school and Pembrokeshire County Council have accepted the findings in full and committed to rapid improvements.
Estyn identified a number of areas requiring urgent action, including weaknesses in teaching quality and consistency, low pupil attendance—below that of similar schools and well below pre-pandemic levels—with particular concerns around pupils eligible for free school meals, shortcomings in self-evaluation and improvement planning, a need to strengthen leadership challenge, inadequate toilet provision for pupils, and the requirement for more robust financial management.
Despite these concerns, inspectors also highlighted several strengths, describing the school as a “caring and inclusive community” where pupils feel safe. Estyn praised the school’s work to promote positive behaviour, its use of restorative approaches to tackle bullying, the range of curriculum and digital skills opportunities on offer, and its commitment to supporting disadvantaged learners.
Pembrokeshire County Council said it is working closely with Estyn and the school on a detailed post-inspection action plan. Regular updates, engagement events, and communication with parents, carers, and the wider community are expected as improvements are implemented. Estyn monitoring visits are anticipated every four to six months until sufficient progress allows the school to be removed from special measures. Further details of the approved action plan are expected to be published on the Milford Haven School website.
The incident has prompted renewed local discussion about how schools—particularly those under heightened scrutiny—handle safeguarding, drug-related incidents, vulnerability among neurodivergent pupils, and timely parental involvement.
The Herald will continue to follow developments, including progress on the school’s improvement plan.
Crime
Drink-driver ran red light and narrowly missed another motorist
A DRINK-driver was seen running a red light, swerving between lanes and narrowly missing another vehicle while being followed by police, a court has heard.
Reuben Kirkman, aged 26, was stopped by officers after being seen driving a Vauxhall Corsa along Iscoed Road, Hendy, on the night of June 21, 2025.
“He was stopped by officers as a result of his standard of driving,” Crown Prosecutor Sian Vaughan told District Judge Mark Layton, sitting at Haverfordwest Magistrates’ Court this week.
“He had a near miss with another vehicle, he had no lights on, he drove through a red light and he was seen swerving between lanes.”
Subsequent blood tests showed Kirkman had 147 milligrams of alcohol in 100 millilitres of blood. The legal limit is 80.
His solicitor, Peter Harper, told the court the offence occurred after Kirkman had spent the day with his football team.
“They ended up in the pub and he consumed some alcohol,” he said. “He planned to leave his vehicle there but failed to find a taxi.
“So he sat in his car for around 30 minutes, drank some water and made the stupid mistake of driving home.”
The court was told Kirkman, of Castle Buildings, Castle Street, Swansea, is a sport science and nutritional science graduate and is currently employed in food supply at Wetherspoons.
After pleading guilty to drink-driving, Kirkman was disqualified from driving for 17 months and fined £430. He was also ordered to pay a £172 court surcharge and £85 in costs.
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