Historic defeat for Europe’s longest-serving nationalist strongman could redraw Hungary’s place in the West — but the real battle may only just be beginning

VIKTOR ORBAN has conceded defeat in Hungary’s parliamentary election, bringing a dramatic end to the nationalist leader’s 16-year grip on power and delivering what could prove to be the most significant political upset in Europe this year.

Early and partial results put Péter Magyar’s Tisza party well ahead of Fidesz, with Orbán acknowledging a painful loss as record turnout suggested a country no longer willing to settle for more of the same. For many Hungarians, this was not simply a vote to change government, but a decision to break with a political era that had come to define the nation itself.

This was no ordinary election defeat for a sitting prime minister. It was a rejection of an entire system. Orbán did not merely govern Hungary; he remade it in his own image, constructing what he proudly called an “illiberal” state and turning himself into a hero for parts of the global Right. In the process, Hungary became the European Union’s most disruptive and controversial member.

That is why his fall matters far beyond Budapest. The result is significant not just because of who has won, but because of what voters appear to have turned against: entrenched power, allegations of cronyism, democratic backsliding, and a style of politics built on permanent cultural warfare.

The scale of the result is what makes it historic. Reuters reported that with 46 per cent of votes counted, Tisza was on course to win 135 seats in the 199-seat parliament — enough for a two-thirds majority if confirmed. The Associated Press, reporting on later partial returns, said Tisza had more than 52 per cent of the vote with around 60 per cent counted, far ahead of Fidesz on 38 per cent. Turnout was above 77 per cent, described by AP as the highest in post-communist Hungarian history.

That turnout tells its own story. Hungary was not sleepwalking into change; it was straining towards it. After years in which Orbán had seemed electorally untouchable, voters appear to have decided that economic drift, rising living costs and long-running corruption allegations mattered more than the government’s warnings about migrants, war and foreign enemies. Reuters said frustration over economic stagnation and the cost of living helped drive the opposition surge.

Péter Magyar’s rise makes the outcome all the more remarkable. He is not a veteran dissident or a familiar opposition grandee. He is a former Fidesz insider who broke with the ruling camp and then reinvented himself as the vessel for anti-Orbán anger. That gave him an advantage previous challengers lacked: he could not easily be dismissed as an outsider who failed to understand the system he was trying to dismantle. To Orbán loyalists, he is a traitor. To his supporters, he is proof that the rot had begun from within.

For Brussels, this could mark the start of a major reset. Orbán spent years obstructing EU partners over rule-of-law disputes, media freedom, relations with Moscow and support linked to Ukraine. Reuters reported that a Tisza victory could reopen the path to frozen EU funds and shift Hungary’s stance on key European decisions, including those connected to Ukraine. Put simply, one of the EU’s most stubborn blockers may have been removed by his own electorate.

The symbolism reaches well beyond Europe. Orbán became a reference point for nationalist and populist movements across the Western world, admired by figures on the American Right and tolerated elsewhere as a difficult but durable fact of European politics. His defeat is therefore more than a domestic upset. It is a reminder that strongman politics can look invincible until the moment voters decide they have had enough.

But this is where caution is needed. Orbán’s defeat does not necessarily mean Orbánism is finished. Even if Tisza secures a commanding majority, Hungary remains deeply divided, and much of the state, media landscape and political culture has been moulded by Fidesz over a decade and a half. Removing Orbán from office is one thing. Unpicking the loyalties, habits and networks of his era is another entirely. That will be Magyar’s true test.

There is a danger for the victors too. Political earthquakes create expectations that are almost impossible to satisfy. Magyar has campaigned as the man who can clean up the state, restore trust, improve services and bring Hungary back towards the European mainstream. That is a compelling message in opposition. It is far harder in government, particularly in a country where Orbán’s influence has been embedded so deeply. Voters may have delivered a revolution at the ballot box, but revolutions do not, by themselves, produce stable government.

Still, the meaning of the night is already unmistakable. Hungary has not merely changed government; it has rejected the assumption that Viktor Orbán’s model was permanent. After sixteen years in power, the man who made himself the face of Europe’s nationalist resistance to liberal democracy has been brought down not by Brussels, nor by foreign pressure, but by Hungarian voters themselves.

That is what makes this result so powerful — and why its consequences may reach far beyond Hungary.

Creative Media learners recognised after producing hard-hitting videos to warn young drivers about the dangers of peer pressure

PEMBROKESHIRE COLLEGE has praised its Creative Media learners after students produced a series of powerful short films as part of an annual road safety competition run in partnership with Pembrokeshire County Council.

The project challenged learners to create short social media videos highlighting one of the main causes of serious road traffic collisions, with this year’s theme focusing on the dangers of peer pressure. The films were designed to help raise awareness of road safety issues among young people across the county.

Aliyah was named overall winner for her video, Peer Pressure Doesn’t Need a Voice, and received a £100 prize.

Noah was recognised as a runner-up for his film, Don’t Treat the Road Like a Toy, while Lily was also commended for her entry, Don’t Give in to Peer Pressure.

The college said the competition gave learners the chance to respond to a real-world brief while producing work with an important public safety message.

Lecturer Denys Bassett-Jones praised the standard of the entries and said the issue of peer pressure was a major factor in young people’s lives, making it an important theme to highlight to new drivers and their passengers.

Sally Jones, Road Safety Officer at Pembrokeshire County Council, also praised the students’ work and said the group had produced interesting and dynamic videos while rising well to the brief.

The college said projects like this continue to give learners valuable practical experience while supporting wider efforts to reduce serious collisions on local roads.

Party claims Plaid’s plans would strain public finances and increase pressure on services, while rivals insist Wales needs a different approach for Wales

REFORM UK has stepped up its attack on Plaid Cymru ahead of the Senedd election, accusing the party of making unaffordable spending promises and warning that its approach to migration would place further pressure on already stretched public services.

The criticism comes as the election campaign intensifies before polling day on Thursday, May 7, with Reform seeking to draw a sharp dividing line between itself and Plaid on both the economy and immigration.

Reform candidate Llyr Powell said Plaid was offering “fantasy economics”, pointing to analysis from the Institute for Fiscal Studies which said the party’s manifesto contained important question marks over how some of its commitments would be funded. The IFS warned that, with the Welsh budget already expected to be under strain, delivering Plaid’s plans could mean deeper cuts to unprotected services or increases in devolved taxes.

Mr Powell said: “This is exactly the kind of politics people are fed up with — big promises, no plan. The independent experts are clear: Plaid’s numbers simply do not add up.

“Families across Wales are already struggling with the cost of living. The last thing they need is a government quietly hiking taxes to cover unfunded promises.”

Reform Wales leader Dan Thomas also attacked Plaid over migration, claiming the party’s stance would add to pressures on housing, schools and the NHS.

He said: “Here in Wales we have a health crisis, an education crisis and a housing crisis.

“The last thing we need is a surge in immigration adding further pressure on hospitals, schools and communities.

“Vote Reform on May 7 to stop Plaid’s immigration surge.”

Plaid Cymru, however, has presented its manifesto as a programme for “real hope for the future of Wales”, with Rhun ap Iorwerth saying the party is offering renewal, practical action and a new direction for the country.

The party’s platform focuses heavily on health, childcare, education and economic development, arguing that Wales needs new leadership, new energy and new ideas after years of Labour-led government.

On migration, the wider Welsh Government position has been that international recruitment remains necessary in some sectors. Ministers have previously said that while domestic skills investment remains vital, international recruitment is still an important part of workforce strategy in the short to medium term.

That means the issue is likely to become an increasingly prominent dividing line in the run-up to polling day, with Reform arguing for a tougher stance while Plaid and others continue to frame migration as part of a broader workforce and economic challenge facing Wales.