Politics

Manifesto Destiny #3: Plaid Cymru

Published

4 years ago

April 20, 2021

Andy Chandler

PLAID CYMRU is perpetually standing at a political crossroads.

One step forward. One step back. Followed by a step to the left and a half-step to the right.

And that’s been the way of it since 1999.

When a party’s policies consistently score well with the public, yet the party doesn’t increase its number of seats, there’s an indication some deep-seated issue prevents a breakthrough.

In the parts of Wales where Plaid needs to win constituency seats, it has made little progress at the national election level in twenty-two years.

And yet its policies score well with many Labour voters. In the Valleys of East Wales, Labour’s core vote is not thrilled by that party’s record in Wales. It is soft at the edges and fed up with the same old formula. After twenty-two years of Labour government, Wales is stuck in a never-ending loop of narrow managerialism without political leadership.

PERCEPTIONS OF PLAID

The massive elephant in the room is that in Anglophone Wales – where Welsh is relatively little spoken or read – Plaid is seen less as the Party of Wales than the Party of the Welsh Language.

Running in tandem with that notion, which is supported by census data about the distribution of those with Welsh language skills, is the electorate’s perception that Plaid considers the Welsh language first and all other policies second.

To an extent, the second point is projection. People project on to Plaid what they know of Anglo-parties’ history and attribute to the Party of Wales what they know of other parties’ conduct. In Westminster, the Conservatives are a byword for back-scratching cronyism. In Wales, the Labour Party – see Neath Port Talbot Council – fulfils the same role.

Based on those experiences, the internal logic is that Plaid would prioritise the language – ‘forcing it on non-Welsh speakers’, using the English-only pejorative phrase – above good governance and good sense.

For a significant number of Wales’ voters, even among some who speak Welsh, the Welsh language is irrelevant to their political considerations.

It’s a stick with which voters beat Plaid and one which the other parties deploy.

SMALL ‘C’ CONSERVATISM

Wales is a small ‘c’ conservative country.

The rout Labour suffered in parts of Wales in December 2019 demonstrates, no matter how much activists howl, large sections of the electorate do not share Plaid and Labour’s vision of the nation. At least not when and where it counts.

And Plaid, determinedly, is a party of the left with less in common with many of its voters than it might find comfortable to acknowledge. Plaid Cymru’s contortions to satisfy a largely metropolitan interest in identity politics estrange its traditional voters with more grounded priorities. And whatever votes there in those contortions, they won’t add a single seat to Plaid’s tally.

That said, it’s grossly unfair to suggest that identity politics define Plaid Cymru. Plaid’s primary problem is marking out an identity for itself, including all Welsh nationalist sentiment instead of one part of it.

Those small ‘c’ conservatives among the Welsh electorate favouring greater Welsh autonomy should be inside Plaid’s tent. They should not feel excluded from it because they have views that irritate Party activists.

The issue of perception is perhaps Plaid’s most significant hurdle to overcome with the broader Welsh electorate. It certainly has been to date.

COMMUNICATION

For a party with so many gifted communicators both inside and outside the Senedd, and a leader who is a compelling public presence, between elections, Plaid’s communications seem a little diffuse and inclined to contrarianism for the sake of it.

Election campaigns start the day after the last election finished.

Plaid needs to spend more time driving home its core manifesto pledges on everyday issues, whether in government or not.

This time Plaid’s manifesto is admirably focused on what it wants to achieve if it forms a government.

It needs to stick to those lines as hard as possible, even if it is either not in government or in government in a joint enterprise with Labour.

Plaid also needs to accept that whatever its electoral fate on May 6, not everything it wants to do will be deliverable.

Plaid calls its manifesto ‘the most radical since 1945’. This article doesn’t make a judgement on that claim. However, 1945’s Labour manifesto came in at under 5,000 words and barely 11 pages of A4.

Plaid’s five core policy areas are interwoven in the detail of its manifesto.

A more concise document (126 pages!) that preached less to the choir and more to voters would improve it no end.

THE CORE POLICIES

As Adam Price told The Herald when he became leader, the core of Plaid’s programme boils down to five key policy areas.

1. The best start in life for every child

· Free school meals to all primary school children using quality Welsh produce.

· Investing in 4,500 extra teachers and support staff, reducing class sizes, and valuing the teaching profession.

· Childcare free for all from 24 months.

2. A plan for the whole country to prosper

· A £6bn Green Economic Stimulus to help create 60,000 jobs.

· A guaranteed job or high-quality training for 16–24-year-olds.

· Zero-interest loans to support small businesses to bounce back post-Covid.

3. A fair deal for families

· Cut the bills of average Council Taxpayers, helping the weekly budget go further.

· £35 per child weekly top-up payment to families living below the poverty line.

· 50,000 social and affordable homes and fair rents for the future.

4. The best national health and care service

· Train and recruit 1,000 new Doctors and 5,000 new Nurses and allied staff.

· Free personal care at the point of need for the elderly, ending the divide between health and social care.

· Guaranteed minimum wage of £10 an hour for care workers.

5. Tackling the climate emergency

· Set a Wales 2035 Mission to decarbonise and to reach net-zero emissions.

· Establish Ynni Cymru as an energy development company with a target of generating 100 per cent of electricity from renewables by 2035.

· Introduce a Nature Act with statutory targets to restore biodiversity by 2050.

In principle, none of the above should be particularly contentious. The climate emergency and green energy pledges will not play well among older voters. However, the environment is an issue that resonates with younger voters (aged 16-24).

Of Wales’ three main parties, Plaid has the most to gain from younger voters and mobilising them to turn out. It’s a mystery why Plaid hasn’t both encouraged younger voters to register and targeted them more assertively. Doing so would deliver a USP and a future voter base.

PAYING FOR IT

Ynni Cymru, a Welsh national energy company, is an idea Plaid floated at the start of the last Welsh Parliamentary term. It has re-emerged in a much-changed form from that originally floated. Instead of controlling green energy production, Ynni Cymru would be a staging post, a project development company similar to Transport for Wales.

The long-term aim is the establishment of a state-backed energy company.

Unnos –Land and Housing Wales – would be a clearinghouse for investment in funding affordable and social housing in the same vein.

Extending the state will come at a cost.

More public spending needs more money. That money can only come from raising taxes and more public borrowing. Plaid’s reliance on historically low interest rates to fund its plans glosses the certainty of future interest rises and their impact on those plans’ deliverability.

Plaid is at least upfront that – if it forms a government in its own right – some people will pay more tax in one way or another. And, at least, it confronts the issue of Council Tax head-on instead of pussyfooting around it like Labour. After 22 years, Labour intends to have a jolly good chat about it for the next five years.

For which reason, if no other, Plaid deserves a round of applause.

INDEPENDENCE DAY

Independence. Plaid is in favour. It promises to hold a referendum on independence if it forms a majority government.

Of all Plaid’s policy pledges, that’s the least surprising.

Surprisingly, Plaid has not – so far – managed to convert the upswing in public support for Wales’ independence into a larger poll share for itself. Unless that changes in the last couple of weeks of this election campaign, Plaid needs to ask itself why that is the case.

Business

Kurtz addresses Employment and Skills Convention

Published

3 hours ago

November 13, 2024

Richard Lewis

SENEDD Member Samuel Kurtz kicked off an Employment and Skills Convention at the Cardiff City Stadium recently, organised by the Learning and Skills Institute. The event sought to unite organisations, businesses, and training providers to discuss critical issues surrounding employment and skills development across Wales.

The convention featured a panel of distinguished speakers, including local Samuel Kurtz MS, who is the Shadow Minister for the Economy and Energy; Rhys Morris, Managing Director of The Busy Group; and Megan Hooper, Director for Employment and Skills at Serco. Together, they explored strategies for increasing employment and the positive impacts this can have on individuals, young people, and the broader community.

Following the event, Samuel Kurtz said: “It was a privilege to speak at this convention and to underscore the vital role of collaboration between government and the private sector in aligning skills and training with the evolving needs of our economy.

“By enhancing skills and creating jobs, we can foster a resilient workforce that will not only meet today’s demands but also drive essential green infrastructure projects, ensuring a prosperous future for young people in Wales.

“Welsh Government Ministers must acknowledge their role in addressing high levels of economic inactivity. Introducing employment targets is essential to support people in re-entering the workforce and contributing to Wales’ economic growth.”

Politics

Committee quizzes culture chief over sweeping cuts

Published

4 hours ago

November 13, 2024

Chris Haines, ICNN Senedd reporter

SENEDD Members scrutinised Wales’ new culture minister about the impact of the Welsh Government’s sweeping budget cuts to culture and sport.

Jack Sargeant appeared before the Senedd’s culture committee on November 13, with the sector bearing the brunt of cuts in the 2024/25 budget.

South Wales East MS Delyth Jewell raised concerns about a disconnect between draft priorities for a thriving culture sector and a 17% real-terms cut in revenue funding over the past ten years.

Mr Sargeant pointed to the context of austerity since 2010, saying the 2024/25 settlement from Westminster left the Welsh Government with £700m less than expected.

He told the committee chair: “We’ve had to make serious and difficult decisions. No minister … would want to have made the decisions that they have had to.”

Mr Sargeant raised examples of extra funding for culture provided during the year, including £3.2m for capital investment and a further £5m announced in September.

Labour’s Lee Waters, a former minister, suggested the culture sector is too often seen as a “nice to have” and a soft target when cuts must be made.

He asked: “Have you given any thought to how you can present this sector as an essential, key service rather than the first thing in line when cuts come along?”

Mr Sargeant said ministers sought to protect health and education in the 2024/25 budget, but he recognised the economic value and importance of culture to the people of Wales.

He told the committee: “It’s important that we try to resource that properly in the difficult challenges that no doubt still remain for the Welsh Government and the sector.”

Mr Sargeant cautioned that an extra £1.7bn for Wales over two years in Labour’s first UK budget in 15 years will not solve all the problems.

“But it does give us some level of hope we can build upon,” he said, giving little away about the Welsh Government’s draft 2025/26 budget due to be published on December 10.

Plaid Cymru’s Heledd Fychan raised the risk of falling participation, with sport and culture becoming elitist, highlighting trial charges at Big Pit in the summer and paid-for exhibitions.

Mr Sargeant replied: “Culture should be for everybody and I’m particularly conscious around making sure that working-class communities like my own in Alyn and Deeside have access.”

He added: “That does mean that we have to look at funding when we can, funding organisations perhaps better but it also means … doing things differently.”

He suggested cultural bodies will be asked to justify decisions such as introducing charges that could have a detrimental impact on access to culture.

Mr Waters questioned the reasonableness of ministers getting involved in decision-making around charging while funding for arm’s-length bodies contracts.

He said: “Something has to give … isn’t there a danger of you ‘want your cake and eat it’?”

Mr Sargeant, an engineer-turned-politician who was appointed minister in July’s reshuffle, denied suggestions he was “grandstanding” about charges while implementing cuts.

Pressed about placing statutory protection on sports and recreation services, Mr Sargeant said it would be unfair on councils to expect more without providing additional funding.

Mr Waters pressed the minister on flexibility, suggesting removing as much “ringfencing” of funding as possible as has happened to allow councils to identify their own priorities.

He said he was puzzled by the contrast, with ministers “bending over backwards” to remove constraints on local government while “micromanaging” arm’s-length culture bodies.

The Llanelli representative raised the “striking” example of conditions attached to £1.3m of emergency capital funding awarded to Amgueddfa Cymru – Museum Wales in July.

He said: “You’ve given them £1.3m on the basis of a need for it … then you’re adding a further constraint to them of having to come up with a business justification case before they can begin to plan and spend … this seems to be unnecessarily restrictive.”

Mr Sargeant said flexibility is difficult due to the reality of constraints on finances, adding that developing a business case is important to protect the public purse.

Politics

Welsh ministers to introduce fire safety bill eight years after Grenfell

Published

11 hours ago

November 13, 2024

Chris Haines, ICNN Senedd reporter

WALES’ housing secretary confirmed plans to bring forward a building safety bill in 2025, eight years after 72 people died in the Grenfell Tower tragedy in London.

Jayne Bryant told the Senedd that accountability will be at the heart of the bill, which will reform the regulation of safety risks in multi-occupied residential buildings.

Ms Bryant, who was appointed in July, said the new system will include all buildings containing two or more homes, with some exceptions, not only those of 18m or above.

The housing secretary described progress on fire safety in Wales as comparable to England, with Scotland and Northern Ireland both significantly behind.

Ms Bryant promised to emphasise the urgency of remediating fire safety issues during a meeting with developers this week.

The Conservatives’ Janet Finch-Saunders said only 2% of buildings have completed the required safety work despite many promises by the Welsh Government.

The Aberconwy Senedd Member pointed out that ministers’ plans to pass a building safety bill by 2026 will come more than eight years after the Grenfell Tower disaster.

She said those affected feel completely despondent: “Let’s not forget, these people are living in unsafe, at-risk-of-fire properties, and they’re unsellable – they are stuck in that situation.”

Mark Isherwood, the Tory shadow housing secretary, warned delays and gaps persist despite claims progress is being made on building safety reforms.

Mr Isherwood, who chairs the Senedd’s public accounts committee, said people’s safety concerns should be prioritised rather than sidelined in bureaucracy.

Siân Gwenllian, Plaid Cymru’s shadow housing secretary, raised concerns about many tenants and residents living under clouds of uncertainty and risk for too long.

She said: “We need to ensure that developers keep to their commitments but also that the government has clear outcomes for any developers that fail to reach the standards.”

Ms Gwenllian called for clarity on consequential funding for Wales after the UK Government budget, with investment in remediation set to rise to more than £1bn in 2025/26.

She stressed that funding will be central to success, saying: “We have to avoid any situation where financial deficit leaves some buildings unsafe.”

She tentatively welcomed news that developer Watkin Jones has “at last” signed a deal to make properties safe at Victoria Dock in Caernarfon.

Jane Dodds, the Liberal Democrats’ leader in Wales, said it is unacceptable that addressing fire safety has taken so long following the Grenfell tragedy.

John Griffiths, who chairs the Senedd’s housing committee, raised the disproportionate impact of the building safety crisis on disabled leaseholders.

Mr Griffiths also expressed concerns about remediation work at the nearby Celestia complex in Cardiff Bay being behind schedule and expected to take three years.

His Labour colleague Mike Hedges similarly raised constituents’ concerns about delays to work at the Altamar building in Swansea.

Rhys ab Owen, an independent who represents South Wales Central, said accountability and transparency are chief among leaseholders’ concerns.