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WASPI unaffected by appeal’s failure

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A CAMPAIGN group for women born in the 1950s, whose state pension age has increased from 60-65, lost an appeal against a decision to deny them compensation for lost pension income.
Backto60 brought two test cases to the High Court last year when those cases were lost the group appealed. The Court of Appeal released its judgement rejecting the appeal on Monday, September 14.
The group’s campaign calls for a reinstatement of the age of 60 for women’s state pensions and compensation of the pension women have missed out on.
The Court found making the state pension age the same for men and women did not constitute unlawful discrimination.

WASPI CAMPAIGN UNCHANGED

The case’s failure will not affect the far better known and more widely-supported Women Against State Pensions Injustice (WASPI) campaign.
WASPI has long campaigned on the issues regarding the increase in the state pension age for women. They argue that setting aside any claim of discrimination, the UK Government failed in its duty to inform affected women adequately of the changes to the state pension age and the effect those changes would have on their pensions.
A statement issued by WASPI after the Backto60 legal challenge failed said: “Many women will be disappointed today at the judgement from the High Court.
“Women Against State Pension Inequality (WASPI) will continue to campaign for what we believe is achievable and affordable. Compensation for women who have been unfairly disadvantaged with a rapid increase to their State Pension age (SPa).
WASPI is not opposed to the equalisation of the SPa with men but it was done without adequate notice, leaving no time to make alternative arrangements. Women were informed directly some 14 years after the SPa was first changed, many only given 18 months’ notice, of up to a six-year increase, many others were not informed at all. This left their retirement plans shattered.
“The Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman is currently considering six sample cases of maladministration out of the thousands of complaints made to the DWP by WASPI women.”
Former Conservative Pensions Minister, Baroness Roz Altmann, said: “When Pensions Minister, I saw copies of letters written by the Government to millions of these women in 2003 and 2004 about their State Pension, which failed to highlight that their pension would not be paid at age 60. These official letters failed to highlight that these women’s pension would not start being paid at age 60. It merely informed them what State Pension they might receive when they reached State Pension Age, but they did not tell them what that age would be!
“Receiving a letter from the Pensions Department about their State Pension, which did not urge them to check what their State Pension Age would be, may have lulled them into a false sense of security that they would receive it from age 60.
“This looks like maladministration.”
During the election campaign last year, Boris Johnson pledged to place ‘fresh eyes’ on the issue and said he felt sympathetic to the WASPI campaigners. Asked on Tuesday about the progress of those promised considerations, he failed to answer.

THE APPEAL ISSUE

The main issue in the appeal was whether the changes to the state pension age brought in by Parliament from 1995 onwards, unlawfully discriminated against women. Backto60 argued, amongst other things, women born in the 1950s were less likely to have contributed to the state pension scheme or were disproportionately in lower-paid jobs than men.
The Pensions Act 1995 provided that a woman born before 6 April 1950 would still receive her state pension at age 60 but a woman born after that date would receive her pension on a specified date when she was aged between 60 and 65, depending on her date of birth. The Pensions Acts 2007, 2011 and 2014 then accelerated the move to age 65 as the state pension age for women and raised the state pension age for some men and women to 66, 67 or 68 depending on their date of birth.
Successive UK Governments made changes to address the massively-rising cost of state pensions.
When the state pension age was originally set, both pension ages were fixed at 65. When revised in 1940, women’s pension age was dropped to 60. At the time those ages were fixed, life expectancy meant the state pension was likely to be paid out for only a few years after retirement age. The lower age was fixed at 60 for women to reflect their then-dependence on a single male breadwinner in the family and the prevailing age difference between married couples.
In the post-war period, life expectancy increased, first gradually and then with increasing speed.
The boom in average life expectancy means the state pension is the largest single drain on the welfare budget – taking £111bn of it in the year 2018-19 (DWP figures). In comparison, payments for unemployment benefits totalled £2bn.
The UK Defence budget is around £28bn
In normal circumstances, the claims brought to the Court would have been barred due to the delay in bringing them. Time was extended to bring the claims. The question of the delay was, however, relevant only to the discretion whether to grant relief if unlawful discrimination was proved.
The long delay in bringing the claims made it impossible to fashion any practical remedy. The Court noted unchallenged expert evidence that the cost of reinstating pensions would exceed £200bn – more than seven times the total defence budget and around the same as the whole of the health and education budgets combined (Figures Office of Budget Responsibility).

 

Local History

Pembrokeshire man rode into history with Custer’s Last Stand

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Dinas Cross-born soldier was among those killed at the Battle of the Little Bighorn 150 years ago this week

A YOUNG man from a remote Pembrokeshire farm found himself at the centre of one of the most famous battles in American history after leaving Wales in search of a new life across the Atlantic.

This week marks 150 years since Sgt William Batine James, originally from Pencnwc Farm near Dinas Cross, was killed alongside General George Armstrong Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

The battle, fought on June 25 and 26, 1876, became known around the world as “Custer’s Last Stand” after the defeat of the US Army’s 7th Cavalry by a coalition of Lakota Sioux, Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho warriors.

Among the dead was a 27-year-old Welshman whose remarkable journey had begun on the north Pembrokeshire coast.

Born on March 3, 1849, James grew up in rural Pembrokeshire before emigrating to North America as a young man. Records show he arrived in Toronto in 1871 before later crossing into the United States and joining the US Army.

He eventually became a sergeant in Company E of the famed 7th Cavalry Regiment.

Just five years after leaving Canada, James found himself riding with Custer into what would become one of the most studied and debated military engagements in American history.

The battle took place in present-day Montana during the Great Sioux War. Custer’s force was overwhelmed after encountering a much larger Native American force than expected.

Every member of Custer’s immediate command was killed.

For many years, James’s family back in Pembrokeshire had little idea what had become of him. Communication across the Atlantic was slow and unreliable, and news often took weeks or months to reach rural communities.

His story only gradually emerged through letters he had sent home, helping relatives piece together the fate of the young man who had travelled thousands of miles from Dinas Cross to the American frontier.

Today, historians of both Welsh emigration and the American West continue to document the lives of those who fought at the Little Bighorn. James remains one of Pembrokeshire’s most unusual historical figures – a local farm boy whose life became entwined with one of the defining moments of the American frontier era.

One hundred and fifty years after his death, Sgt William Batine James remains a reminder of how far Welsh emigrants travelled in the nineteenth century, and how people from even the smallest communities could find themselves caught up in events that would echo through history.

 

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Community

Fishguard joins Eisteddfod celebrations as Lord Rhys procession arrives in town

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Giant puppet procession brings Welsh history and culture to the streets ahead of this summer’s National Eisteddfod

FISGHUARD and Goodwick joined the celebrations today as the spectacular Carreg Filltir Las procession brought the story of Lord Rhys to north Pembrokeshire.

Residents lined the streets as a giant puppet of the 12th-century Welsh prince, created by Small World Theatre, made its way through the community as part of the build-up to this summer’s National Eisteddfod.

The procession commemorates 850 years since Lord Rhys hosted what is widely regarded as the first Eisteddfod at Cardigan Castle in 1176.

Fishguard was one of the stops on the route, with families, local residents and Welsh language supporters turning out to welcome the larger-than-life figure as it passed through the town.

Organisers say the project aims to connect communities across the Eisteddfod area while celebrating Welsh language, culture and heritage.

The procession forms part of the build-up to Eisteddfod Genedlaethol y Garreg Las, which will be held in north Pembrokeshire from August 1 to 8.

The festival is expected to attract thousands of visitors and will showcase Welsh music, literature, performance, art and culture.

The Lord Rhys journey has already visited communities across west Wales and will culminate in Cardigan, the historic birthplace of the Eisteddfod tradition.

Photo caption:

Crowds gathered in Fishguard as the Lord Rhys procession passed through the town as part of the build-up to the 2026 National Eisteddfod.

 

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Climate

Welsh waters, Westminster profits: Crown Estate row reignited in Wales

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PLAID CYMRU has renewed calls for the Crown Estate to be devolved to Wales after figures showed income linked to Wales rising from £8.7 million to £210 million in five years.

The party says the increase, described as a rise of around 2,300 per cent, shows that Welsh natural resources are generating huge sums while communities in Wales see little direct benefit.

The Crown Estate manages much of the seabed around Wales, England and Northern Ireland, including areas leased for offshore wind developments. Its profits are paid to the UK Treasury, rather than being retained directly in Wales.

Plaid Cymru’s Ceredigion-Penfro branch said: “Crown Estate profits are up 2,300% but Welsh communities see no benefit.”

The issue has become increasingly topical as Pembrokeshire and the wider west Wales coast are being promoted as key locations for the next generation of floating offshore wind in the Celtic Sea.

Supporters of devolution argue that Wales should have control over the revenue generated from its coastline, seabed and natural resources, with profits reinvested in local infrastructure, ports, skills, transport and public services.

They also point to Scotland, where the Crown Estate has already been devolved. In Scotland, revenue from Crown Estate assets is managed north of the border and contributes to Scottish public finances.

Plaid Cymru says Wales should be treated in the same way.

The party argues that, as offshore wind expands, Wales risks seeing major energy infrastructure developed around its coastline while the financial rewards continue to flow to Westminster.

The Crown Estate has benefited significantly from offshore wind leasing in recent years. Across the UK, the estate has reported profits of more than £1 billion for a third consecutive year, with offshore wind continuing to play a major role in its income.

In Wales, the political argument is sharpened by the scale of potential development in the Celtic Sea.

Ports such as Milford Haven and Port Talbot are expected to play a major role in supporting floating offshore wind, with politicians and industry leaders saying the sector could bring thousands of jobs and major investment.

However, campaigners say Wales must secure more than construction work and supply-chain promises. They argue that long-term control of Crown Estate revenues would allow Wales to build a lasting national benefit from renewable energy.

The UK Government has previously resisted calls to devolve the Crown Estate in Wales. Ministers have argued that Crown Estate profits are returned to the Treasury and used for public spending across the UK.

Opponents of devolution also say Wales already receives funding through the wider UK funding settlement, and that changing the Crown Estate model could add complexity at a time when major energy projects need certainty.

But calls for change have continued to grow, particularly as the value of offshore wind leases has increased.

For Plaid Cymru, the issue is now being framed as a question of fairness.

The party says Wales is being asked to host nationally important renewable energy infrastructure while having limited control over the income generated from its own natural resources.

With the Senedd election approaching, the future of the Crown Estate is likely to remain a major political dividing line.

For campaigners, the argument is simple: if Welsh waters are helping to generate hundreds of millions of pounds, Welsh communities should see the benefit.

For the UK Government, the current system keeps Crown Estate revenue within the UK-wide public finances.

The debate now turns on whether Wales should continue under that arrangement, or follow Scotland in taking control of Crown Estate assets for itself.

 

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