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Politics

Cummings slates Government, Johnson, and Hancock

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“THE TRUTH is that senior ministers, senior officials, senior advisers like me fell disastrously short of the standards that the public has a right to expect of its Government in a crisis like this.

“When the public needed us most, the Government failed.

“I would like to say to all the families of those who died unnecessarily how sorry I am for themistakes that were made and for my own mistakes at that.”

Dominic Cummings’ opening statement to the Covid-19: Lessons Learned Committee of the House of Commons is an attention-grabbing one.

The rest of his evidence was no less damning of Westminster’s response in the early days of the pandemic.

It revealed a government in which discussions at Cobra meetings, supposedly the most secure and confidential of briefings, were routinely leaked to the media. It showed a PM who went away on holiday as the crisis broke. The Government failed to follow the logic of the science presented to it and took weeks to understand the pandemic’s capacity to overwhelm the NHS.

And – as Mr Cummings said – ‘unbelievably’ we have a government whose response to the crisis at a critical time was put on the back burner to deal with a complaint by the PM’s fiancé about a disobliging story about her dog.

CUMMINGS HAS PAPER TRAIL

Suppose Mr Cummings, like so many others, made his assertion without a paper trail. In that case, his remarks could be interpreted as so much self-serving nonsense and a study in revenge. However, he has the paperwork, the email trail, the journal entries, the secret WhatsApp chats to back up his account.

His story got extra heft by his clear expression of regret that he had not obtained an independent view of the Government’s data earlier. When he did deliver data to those outside Downing Street, the extent of the crisis became apparent. 

He made it clear the Government could have got better insight sooner and taken steps towards lockdown six weeks before it did.

The Prime Minister maintained ‘this new swine-flu thing’ was less of a risk than economic damage from overreaction throughout February, even as infections and deaths escalated.

However, the data was wrong. According to Mr Cummings, had the models been checked against live data from Intensive Care Units concerning Covid infections, it would’ve been evident the models presented to the Government and upon which it based its decisions were totally flawed.

NO PLANNING

In a withering assessment, Dominic Cummings said the more people criticised the plan, or lack of one, the more people on the inside believed their critics lacked knowledge.

If there’d been proper scrutiny and interrogation of what Ministers were being told, “we would have figured out at least six weeks earlier that there was an alternative plan”.

The original plan, he said, was “complete garbage”.

More than that, the Department of Health’s ‘plan’ amounted to no more than a press release.

The Department of Health was ’a smoking ruin’, he claimed. There was no plan for shielding, support, emergency procurement. The Department of Health failed to appreciate the size of the crisis and stuck to its normal procurement channels until it was almost out of PPE. The Department of Health refused to buy ventilators because their price had risen.

He suggested a proposal – seriously advanced for consideration – that people hold the equivalent of ‘chickenpox parties’ was met with disbelief by scientists who had to point out that chickenpox was not killing hundreds of thousand people worldwide.

Matt Hancock: Accused of lying to colleagues and the public

HANCOCK BRANDED A LIAR

Dominic Cummings turned personal fire onto Matt Hancock, who remains the Secretary of State for Health.

He accused Mr Hancock of lying and that the Health Secretary’s conduct merited his instant dismissal.

He had earlier mentioned the Health Secretary’s denial that the Government pursued a herd immunity policy that formed a vital element of the Government’s then-approach.

Dominic Cummings said Matt Hancock “for lying to everybody in multiple occasions in meeting after meeting in the cabinet room and publicly”.

Crucially, Mr Cummings said the Cabinet Secretary (Mark Sedwill, the UK’s most senior civil servant) told him and the Prime Minister that he did not trust Matt Hancock to be truthful. He had notes of the meeting in which that remark was made.

Mark Sedwill, Mr Cummings claimed, told Boris Johnson that the cabinet system was not set up to deal with a minister like Matt Hancock, who – he alleged Mr Sedwill said – repeatedly lied in meetings.

He alleged Mr Hancock deliberately delayed implementing a proper track and trace system to meet an arbitrary testing target.

Like the Mayor in Jaws: Media-obsessed PM didn’t stop foreign travel

JOHNSON DUCKS THE QUESTIONS

As the Committee took a break, Prime Minister’s Questions opened in the House of Commons.

Asked about Dominic Cummings’ evidence, the Prime Minister failed to deny key allegations from it when asked by opposition leader Kier Starmer.

Instead, Boris Johnson deflected the questions by referring to a public inquiry. Mr Johnson refused to give a date for that inquiry’s start.

Mr Johnson seemed to decide poking the hornets’ nest would invite further disclosures from Mr Cummings, more damning than the testimony already given.

The picture Mr Cummings painted was chaos at the heart of Government, institutional complacency, lack of expertise in the key departments, and – tellingly – a Prime Minister and Cabinet with only a tenuous grasp on the urgency of the situation.

Given a chance to plan for different scenarios and allocate adequate resources, the Prime Minister and other key ministers preferred to look on the sunny side, hope for the best, and expect something to turn up.

The PM took his opportunity to have a holiday.

Nothing Mr Cummings said was more telling than his revelation that the reason the UK did not enter lockdown sooner was the Government – including the civil service – did not have a plan. The part of the civil service supposed to deal with civil emergencies couldn’t cope because it lacked expertise in the response it was supposed to handle. Planning was always based on a peak of the virus twelve weeks in the future from the date of any meeting.

The pandemic’s first wave peaked in late April. The Government, as late as March 14, planned for a peak in June.

JOHNSON LIKE THE MAYOR IN JAWS

Mr Cummings’ account of a shielding plan drawn up over two all-night brainstorming sessions after the lockdown’s announcement was hair-raising. At the eleventh hour it emerged the UK hadn’t taken account of vulnerable groups’ protection.

As the pandemic raged and demands made to put a brake on overseas travel, Dominic Cummings claimed the PM didn’t want one. He painted a picture of a media-obsessed Boris Johnson swayed by press campaigns against taking preventative action.

Mr Cummings explained Mr Johnson’s behaviour was like the Mayor’s in Jaws. He wanted to keep the beach open, even as the shark ate the swimmers.

On a broader topic, Dominic Cummings criticised a ‘crackers’ political system that allowed people like him and Boris Johnson to exercise such power during an emergency when they were unqualified to deal with one.

Mr Cummings’ tarter observations about the ability of the UK’s political parties included a stinging attack on how political parties select and support their leaders.

To summarise his view: he suggested the problem with the political system in this country is that voters had a choice between people like Jeremy Corbyn and Boris Johnson at the last election.

He concluded from that statement that the parties need to look at themselves to find out why they put ‘that sort of person’ forward for office.

That’s an issue beyond the current inquiry’s scope. ‘Teflon Al Johnson’ will be very grateful it is after Wednesday’s hearing.

News

Campaigners urge Welsh Government to end animal testing

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WALES Against Animal Experiments returned to the Senedd to hand in more than 1,500 paper signatures supporting their online petition. The petition, which calls on the Welsh Government to scrutinise research funding and shift towards human-relevant medical technologies, has already surpassed the 10,000 signatures needed to be considered for debate.

Campaigners say the petition reflects growing public concern over the ethical and scientific failings of animal testing. They argue that modern alternatives, such as Organ-On-a-Chip and 3D bioprinting, offer safer and more effective research methods.

A spokesperson for Wales Against Animal Experiments said: “The outdated practice of experimenting on animals must come to an end. Many scientists now recognise that animal-based research lacks credibility, and we are working alongside leading organisations to push for a transition to cruelty-free science.”

Dr Andre Menache, a medical research expert and member of the Alliance for Cruelty-Free Science, has backed the petition. He said: “I warmly congratulate everyone in Wales for surpassing the 10,000-signature mark. I am fully with you and happy to provide scientific support to any Welsh MPs interested in this issue.”

Supporters can still sign the petition online at petitions.senedd.wales.

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News

​Pembrokeshire MS calls for reversal of ‘family farm’ and ‘jobs’ taxes

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THE UK’S economy experienced an unexpected contraction of 0.1% in January 2025, according to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), raising concerns about the nation’s economic trajectory. This downturn has intensified debates over current fiscal policies, particularly those affecting rural communities and employment.​

Samuel Kurtz, Member of the Senedd (MS) for Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire and the Welsh Conservative Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Energy, has been vocal in his criticism of the Labour government’s recent tax policies. He argues that these measures, notably the so-called ‘family farm tax’ and ‘jobs tax’, are detrimental to economic growth and the livelihoods of people in Wales.​

The ‘family farm tax’ refers to proposed changes in inheritance tax, imposing a 20% levy on agricultural assets exceeding £1 million, set to take effect from April 2026. Critics, including NFU Cymru President Aled Jones, warn that this tax could encompass the majority of Wales’ working family farms, potentially leading to financial burdens that threaten their sustainability. ​

In addition, the ‘jobs tax’ pertains to increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, a move that has faced opposition from business leaders concerned about its impact on employment and economic recovery. ​

Kurtz emphasizes the urgency for the Chancellor to reconsider these policies in the forthcoming budget, aiming to restore business confidence and support key sectors of the economy.​

He told The Pembrokeshire Herald: “The ONS figures confirm a decline in growth, further proof of the damage caused by Labour’s Budget last autumn.

“Labour pledged to deliver the fastest-growing economy in the G7, yet business confidence has plummeted, living standards are in decline, and jobs are being lost.

“With just 12 days until the emergency Budget, the Chancellor must reverse her damaging policies including Labour’s jobs tax and family farm tax and do whatever it takes to restore business confidence.”

The economic contraction in January underscores the challenges facing the UK government as it seeks to balance fiscal responsibility with the need to foster growth and stability, particularly in sectors vital to Wales’ economy.

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News

Why did Senedd vote against fair funding for Wales from HS2?

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THE SENEDD recently voted down a motion demanding fair funding for Wales from the High-Speed Rail 2 (HS2) project, reigniting concerns over Westminster’s treatment of Welsh interests in major infrastructure investments. The decision has sparked frustration across political lines, particularly given the widely accepted view that Wales has been unfairly denied financial compensation for a rail scheme that provides no direct benefit to the country.

A flawed classification

The root of the controversy lies in HS2’s classification as an ‘England and Wales’ project, despite not a single mile of track being laid in Wales. This designation, originally justified by the Conservative UK Government on the grounds that HS2 would benefit North Wales via a link to Crewe, has deprived Wales of consequential funding under the Barnett formula. However, the scrapping of the Birmingham-Manchester leg of HS2 by former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak further undermined this justification, leaving many to question why Wales has continued to be excluded from receiving a fair share of funding.

While Scotland and Northern Ireland have received consequential funding from the HS2 project, Wales has been left without any direct financial benefit. Estimates suggest that Wales should have received around £4bn-5bn in consequential funding if HS2 had been correctly classified as an England-only project. However, recent recalculations by the Treasury have seen those figures fluctuate dramatically, with more recent estimates dropping to mere millions—a shift that suspiciously coincides with the arrival of a Labour government in Westminster.

Cross-party recognition of unfairness

There is a broad political consensus in the Senedd that Wales has been shortchanged. In 2022, Welsh Conservative leader Andrew RT Davies broke ranks with his party to tell Boris Johnson that Wales was owed funding from HS2. Labour in Wales has long argued that the country has been systematically underfunded in rail infrastructure, and Plaid Cymru, alongside the Welsh Liberal Democrats, has also championed the cause.

Yet, despite this shared recognition of unfairness, when a motion was tabled in the Senedd this week demanding that HS2 be reclassified as an England-only project and that Wales receive its fair share of funding, both Labour and Conservative MSs voted against it.

Why did the motion fail?

The failure of the motion appears to be as much about political maneuvering as it is about policy disagreements.

The motion, proposed by Plaid Cymru, called for:

  • Updated figures on the rail enhancement funding shortfall in Wales.
  • A confirmation from the Welsh Government that HS2 should be reclassified as an England-only project.
  • A formal request to the UK Secretary of State for Transport to release the full consequential funding to Wales.

However, Labour and Conservative MSs rejected the motion, with Labour opting instead to delete its contents entirely and replace it with a statement highlighting the supposed benefits of having a Labour government in Westminster. Several Welsh Conservative MSs indicated that they might have supported the motion if Plaid Cymru had not included language that criticised the previous UK Government’s unfulfilled pledge to electrify the North Wales Main Line. This suggests that party rivalries overshadowed any genuine attempt to secure additional funding for Wales.

Apathy and absenteeism in the debate

The broader issue at play is the growing sense of disengagement from Senedd members during opposition debates. The HS2 debate saw conspicuously low attendance from both Conservative and Labour MSs. Onlookers noted that only two or three Conservatives were present, while Labour benches had around seven members in attendance. Such poor participation, despite the significance of the topic, raises concerns about whether some MSs are taking their duties seriously.

Welsh Liberal Democrat MS Jane Dodds described the debate as “depressing,” noting that while all parties seem to agree that Wales has been shortchanged, they were unable to unify on the issue.

Labour’s dilemma: Party loyalty vs Welsh interests

The shift in Labour’s stance on HS2 funding is notable. Before Keir Starmer’s election as Prime Minister, Welsh Labour had been vocal in demanding fair funding for Wales. However, since the new UK Government took office, Labour MSs in Cardiff Bay appear to have softened their approach, likely to avoid disrupting relations with their Westminster counterparts.

This reluctance to push for what is widely acknowledged as a fair claim for Wales has led to accusations that party loyalties are being prioritised over the national interest. Labour backbencher Alun Davies, one of the few to go on record about the issue, acknowledged the problem, stating that while HS2 funding is a historic and ongoing issue, the real solution lies in the full devolution of rail infrastructure.

The bigger picture: Structural inequality in UK funding

At its core, the HS2 funding dispute highlights a deeper issue: Wales remains the only UK nation without full control over its rail infrastructure funding. Without these powers, Wales is at the mercy of UK Government decisions that consistently prioritise England’s transport needs while leaving Welsh infrastructure underfunded.

Even if Plaid Cymru’s motion had passed, the UK Government would still have had to be pressured into acting. However, the rejection of the motion sends a worrying signal that the Welsh political establishment is not willing to present a united front on an issue of major financial importance.

In the end, the Senedd’s decision to reject the motion is a stark reminder of how political maneuvering can obstruct meaningful progress. While MSs from across the political spectrum claim to support fair funding for Wales, when the opportunity arose to take a stand, party interests and political calculations took precedence. The failure to secure HS2 consequential funding is not just a financial injustice—it is yet another example of how Wales continues to be placed at the back of the queue when it comes to Westminster’s spending priorities.

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