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Warning against “undemocratic” 10% recall threshold for Senedd Members

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A 10% THRESHOLD for voters to remove Senedd members from office between elections would be undemocratic, the standards commissioner warned.

Douglas Bain, who investigates complaints against Senedd members, gave evidence to a standards committee inquiry looking into introducing a system of recall.

He said: “I very much welcome anything that will strengthen the ability of the public to call to account members of the Senedd. I think that should always be welcome.”

But Mr Bain warned that the closed-list electoral system, which will see people voting for parties rather than candidates from 2026, poses major difficulties.

He said: “If a member was recalled, the public – the electorate – would not have a choice of who might be elected, with the automatic election of the next person on the party list.”

He told the committee it would be “quite wrong” to replace a member in this way, without a byelection, “because only 10% of the electorate have said that’s what they want to happen”.

Stressing it’s a personal view, and ultimately a matter for the Welsh Parliament to decide, Mr Bain said: “I wouldn’t regard that as democratic or acceptable.”

He added: “There has to be some sort of mechanism to ensure actually it’s the will of not just 10% of the people that the member should be replaced, but it’s the majority of the people.”

Peredur Owen Griffiths, a Plaid Cymru member of the committee, pointed out that an MS could be elected with 40% of the vote yet removed with 10%.

Mr Bain suggested giving the standards committee powers to recommend disqualification could work as an alternative but this could be viewed as MSs marking their own homework.

Asked whether proxy and postal votes should be allowed as part of a recall mechanism, Mr Bain said the extra verification steps would unduly complicate the process.

Vikki Howells asked about Westminster’s criteria for triggering a recall petition: a prison sentence of less than 12 months, a ten-day suspension, or an expenses conviction.

Mr Bain, who was appointed in 2021, told the committee chair it is a good starting point.

The standards commissioner said there could be an argument for reducing the 12-month sentence threshold, above which members are automatically disqualified.

He asked: “Is it acceptable that someone who’s been sentenced to six months’ imprisonment … to remain a member of the Senedd? I think many would think the answer is ‘no’.”

Asked if members should be able to appeal, Mr Bain said in his experience of the complaints process, introducing an appeals mechanism risks prolonging the agony for everyone.

He recommended following Westminster’s model as closely as possible, adapting it for Wales as necessary: “Why try to reinvent a wheel that seems to work reasonably well?”

Mr Bain previously served as acting commissioner following Sir Roderick Evans’ resignation in 2019 after he was secretly recorded by Neil McEvoy, the former Plaid Cymru MS.

The commissioner, who is based in Northern Ireland, said a vote of the whole Senedd and a weighted majority should be required due to the serious nature of the recall decision.

“Otherwise it could be used by a party that had a greater number of seats in the Senedd simply to remove opposition, which would be wholly unacceptable,” he warned.

But Joe Rossiter, co-director of the Institute of Welsh Affairs, suggested a vote of the whole Senedd is unnecessary and risks politicisation, with members voting in party blocks.

Mr Rossiter, who joined the independent think tank and charity in 2022, described the members and elections bill as a missed opportunity to include a recall mechanism.

He told the meeting on June 3: “The public have a right to expect high standards from elected officials who are having an increasing impact on everyday life in Wales.”

Ms Howells asked whether politicians should be recalled for changing their allegiance, saying voters are often vexed and lack representation when an MS joins another party.

Mark Drakeford suggested members should be allowed to leave a political group but then only be able to sit as an independent for the rest of that Senedd term.

“They wouldn’t be able to hawk themselves around to different political groups,” he said.

The ex-first minister suggested it is unlikely the main parties will exhaust their 12-candidate lists for constituencies, saying: “You’d have to have a very, very substantial run of bad luck.”

Mr Drakeford said any independent MS would effectively be on a list of one but he argued it would be preferable for the seat to sit vacant rather than hold a by-election.

He told the meeting the unintended consequences of holding by-elections under the new fully proportional system outweigh the problems arising from a vacant seat.

Natasha Asghar, for the Conservatives, asked whether Wales should introduce a public body, similar to the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (Ipsa) in Westminster.

Mr Rossiter said an Ipsa-style approach could raise standards throughout the Senedd as an institution, not only among individual members, but it would require more investment.

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Welsh Government accused of ‘cover-up’ over child sexual exploitation data

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Conservatives demand answers after ministers fail to provide figures to UK-wide audit

A FAILURE by Welsh Government ministers to submit key data on child sexual exploitation to a UK-wide audit has sparked accusations of a cover-up by a senior Welsh Conservative.

South Wales Central MS and former Senedd opposition leader Andrew RT Davies said the refusal or inability of Welsh Labour ministers to hand over figures to the National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse was “deeply concerning”.

The audit, led by Baroness Louise Casey, sought information from both the UK Department of Health and Social Care and the Welsh Government on how many cases of group-based child sexual abuse were encountered in health services. While data was received from Sexual Assault Referral Centres (SARCs) in England, no equivalent information was provided by the Welsh Government.

Mr Davies said: “This will inevitably raise suspicions of a cover-up. It is deeply concerning to learn this data was not provided – and if it is not being collected, we must ask why.

“There are serious questions for Senedd ministers to answer. Transparency and cooperation are essential when tackling such grave crimes.”

The Casey audit was commissioned to investigate systemic responses to group-based child sexual abuse, often referred to in the media as “rape gang” exploitation, following high-profile failures in towns such as Rotherham, Rochdale and Telford.

In the report, Baroness Casey noted: “Data was sought from both the Department of Health and Social Care and the Government of Wales on how many cases of child sexual abuse or exploitation they see in health services. Only the Department of Health and Social Care provided data, via the Sexual Assault Referral Centres.”

The Welsh Government has not yet publicly responded to the findings, and it remains unclear whether the requested data was not collected, was withheld, or could not be provided in the format required by the audit.

Supporters of the Welsh Government may argue that data sharing across devolved services can be complex, particularly when systems for health and policing differ between nations. However, critics say the lack of cooperation in such a high-profile national review sends the wrong message about accountability.

The Herald has approached the Welsh Government for comment.

The audit’s wider findings highlight inconsistencies in data sharing and safeguarding oversight across the UK, and call for more joined-up approaches to ensure victims of exploitation do not fall through the cracks.

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MP demands urgent reform of ‘failing’ water sector

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HENRY TUFNELL MP has sharply criticised the state of Wales’ water sector, demanding comprehensive reform to address a “culture deaf to crisis.”

In a strongly-worded statement following the release of a new Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee report, Mr Tufnell condemned the substantial bonuses awarded to water executives, specifically highlighting those at Dŵr Cymru.

He said: “With water bills soaring and service performance at an all-time low, how on earth can these water companies justify forking out millions of pounds paying inflated salaries and bonuses to executives? It’s completely wrong.”

Earlier this year, the MP called out the bonus payments at Dŵr Cymru as “unjustifiable,” a criticism reinforced by the committee’s report published today. The document outlines several recommendations, urging the Independent Water Commission to address systemic issues in the industry.

“Our failing water sector needs root and branch reform,” Mr Tufnell stated. “We must break the cycle of poor service and excessive executive remuneration.”

The report comes amid increasing public frustration over rising water bills and declining quality of service across the country. The committee’s findings call for increased transparency and accountability in executive pay structures and more rigorous oversight to ensure that consumer interests are prioritised over profits.

“We need immediate action,” Mr Tufnell insisted. “Customers deserve far better than what they’re currently receiving

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Build the M4 relief road – say Welsh Conservatives in Senedd debate

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THIS month marks six years since the Welsh Labour Government formally cancelled the M4 relief road project near Newport — a decision that continues to divide opinion across Wales.

The proposed six-lane motorway, designed to bypass the heavily congested Brynglas Tunnels, was scrapped in June 2019 by First Minister Mark Drakeford. At the time, he cited the £1.4 billion cost, the ecological importance of the Gwent Levels, and the Welsh Government’s commitment to reduce emissions from transport.

Despite over £150 million of public money already spent on preparatory work and planning, the project was abandoned. It has since become a key battleground in the debate over infrastructure, the economy, and climate policy in Wales.

Welsh Conservatives: “Build it now”

This week, the Welsh Conservatives brought a motion before the Senedd urging ministers to revisit the decision and move forward with delivering the M4 relief road.

Sam Rowlands MS, Conservative Shadow Secretary for Finance, Transport and Infrastructure, said:

“Labour’s decision to scrap the M4 relief road wasted huge amounts of money and was an attack on Welsh motorists.

An M4 relief road would have alleviated traffic demands, whilst boosting our economy and investment into Wales.

Welsh Conservatives will always be on the side of motorists, and that’s why we’re calling for the M4 relief road to be delivered.”

Party leader Andrew RT Davies added that the relief road is essential if Wales is serious about attracting investment and improving productivity:

“We desperately need an M4 Relief Road, to improve transport infrastructure and attract investment into South Wales.”

Labour and Plaid: Environmental costs and funding gaps

The Labour-led Welsh Government has defended its stance, arguing that major roadbuilding projects are incompatible with the urgent need to reduce emissions and shift towards sustainable transport. The decision to scrap the project was reinforced by a wider moratorium on new roadbuilding, introduced in 2021.

Lee Waters MS, then Deputy Minister for Economy and Transport, was clear: “We won’t get to Net Zero unless we stop doing the same thing over and over again. Building more roads to deal with congestion is not a long-term solution.”

Plaid Cymru, meanwhile, has focused on funding, arguing that the UK Government has failed to provide the necessary infrastructure investment. Ben Lake MP told Parliament last week:

“This new money does not come close to the £1.8 billion owed to Wales. And simply, there’s no additional money for road infrastructure and to even revisit things like the M4 relief road.”

How did a road that hasn’t been built cost millions?

Although the M4 relief road was never constructed, the Welsh Government still spent more than £150 million of public money on the project — a figure that continues to raise eyebrows.

The costs stem not from construction, but from a wide range of preparatory and legal work undertaken over several years before the scheme was cancelled in 2019.

A significant portion of the money — over £15 million — was spent on compulsory purchase of homes and land along the proposed route. At least 29 residential properties were bought, some just weeks before First Minister Mark Drakeford pulled the plug. Two houses in particular were purchased in April 2019 for £575,000 and £400,000 respectively.

Millions more went into planning, environmental studies, traffic modelling, engineering designs, and the costs of the public inquiry — a legal process that included months of hearings and hundreds of pages of technical submissions.

Specialist consultants were hired to advise on road design, ecological mitigation, legal compliance, transport economics and flood risk — all of which are standard for major infrastructure proposals. These reports were produced in line with UK Government transport policy requirements and the Welsh Government’s own planning framework.

While no tarmac was ever laid, these upfront costs reflect the extensive legal, technical and bureaucratic groundwork required for a nationally significant road project. As critics have pointed out, hundreds of millions were spent only to cancel the scheme, with no visible infrastructure to show for it.

The properties bought under compulsory purchase are now being managed by the Welsh Government’s property division, with some rented out. However, their long-term use remains uncertain.

The cost of inaction

While some academics have cautioned that road projects can induce more traffic and fail to deliver long-term economic transformation, most experts agree that Wales has already lost hundreds of millions of pounds by not building the M4 relief road — and the costs continue to mount.

The Freight Transport Association warned in 2019 that cancellation could result in “hundreds of millions of pounds in lost private sector investment.”

A 2009 business case suggested the scheme would deliver £695 million in net benefits over its lifetime.

The CBI has repeatedly said that poor transport connectivity is one of the biggest barriers to attracting new business to South Wales.

The Welsh Government’s own 2016 report found that congestion on the M4 imposes significant costs on productivity, freight movement, and tourism — all of which act as a drag on economic performance.

Even critics of the original scheme concede that the current traffic bottleneck at the Brynglas Tunnels remains one of the worst in the UK, with the South East Wales Transport Commission ranking it as the 4th most congested urban motorway in Britain and among the top 50 in Europe.

Despite earlier warnings that the relief road might only offer short-term gains, the economic and logistical price of inaction is becoming harder to ignore.

The motion

The motion brought forward by the Welsh Conservatives reads:

To propose that the Senedd:

  • Regrets that this month marks six years since the M4 relief road project was scrapped.
  • Calls on the Welsh Government to deliver an M4 relief road.

Labour and Plaid Cymru are expected to vote against the motion, but the debate has once again brought national attention to the M4 corridor’s ongoing transport crisis — and the growing cost of not fixing it.

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