Comment
How did we beat Nigel Farage and Reform in Caerphilly? We stood by our convictions
By Rhun ap Iorwerth, Leader of Plaid Cymru
PLAID CYMRU’S decisive victory in the Caerphilly byelection proves that Labour’s century of dominance in Wales is over. Voters now face a clear choice between two very different futures, and Caerphilly shows that it is Plaid Cymru’s bold, inclusive vision that carries momentum.
Caerphilly was one of the safest Labour seats in Wales. Many London commentators expected the seat to fall to Reform – perhaps even hoped it would. It would have fit the narrative that post-industrial communities naturally drift to the populist right. We proved them wrong. A message built on fairness, community and national purpose resonated with voters, and a comfortable majority voted for it.
Reform UK threw everything it had at this campaign. Busloads of activists came from Kent. Their anti-refugee banners and billboards made local people feel uneasy and sought to pit neighbour against neighbour. Reform thought it could surf a wave of anger and fear, but people in Caerphilly saw through their cynicism. They rejected the idea that Wales should be used as a stepping stone for Farage’s next Westminster project.
Plaid Cymru’s message of hope beat Reform’s hate. Where Reform shouted division, we talked about belonging. Where they peddled blame, we talked about community. That matters not just for us in Wales, but for progressives everywhere. The populist right can be beaten when people are offered hope and a vision of a fairer future.
The result couldn’t be more damning of Labour. Eluned Morgan and Keir Starmer’s brand of managerial politics does not speak to Welsh voters any more. Labour once claimed to be the natural party of Wales. “Natural” parties die when they stop standing for something. In Caerphilly, decades of complacency caught up with them.
People here no longer believe Labour represents their communities, their values or their ambitions. They see a party that has swapped conviction for calculation and focus-grouped slogans. The byelection result shows that Labour’s hold on Wales is gone.
Winning almost half the vote was no statistical fluke. It was the result of thousands of doorstep conversations, a campaign powered by volunteers, a message grounded in belief, and the charisma of a local champion in Lindsay Whittle, whose decades of hard graft mean he is known and loved by people here.
Conviction politics still works. Clarity and passion can defeat cynicism and drift.
Momentum is now with Plaid Cymru. As we move towards a fully proportional Senedd, the possibilities for genuine, people-led government have never been greater. Caerphilly has lit a fuse under Welsh politics, and it is burning brightly towards 2026.
Wales faces a simple choice. One path is regressive, built on resentment and division, dressed up in Reform’s slogans. The other is progressive, inclusive and confident, led by Plaid Cymru. The people of Caerphilly have already chosen, and their message will echo far beyond their constituency.
There are lessons here for every progressive movement in the UK. You don’t defeat extremism by copying its language or trimming your values to fit a poll. You defeat it by standing for something real. When Reform tried to weaponise Welsh programmes that help refugees to integrate, making Ukrainians feel unwelcome, we stood up to them. We defended what is right and stayed true to our values.
We are focusing on policies that will transform people’s lives, not just tinker at the edges. Our free-childcare plan is worth more than £30,000 in childcare costs in the first four years of a child’s life – the most ambitious in the UK. Our manifesto will be grounded in a recognition that too many in our communities have been left behind. We are determined to change that. Like Scotland, we will take real action to tackle child poverty through a new child payment. This is what bold, practical politics looks like – politics with purpose, ambition and heart.
When voters see authenticity, they respond. Former Labour voters, and many who had given up on politics, did not come to Plaid reluctantly. They came enthusiastically. They saw a movement that reflects their aspirations and speaks their language.
This result carries weight far beyond one seat. It shows that Starmer’s Labour, and Westminster politics as a whole, can no longer take Wales for granted. The old order of British politics is breaking down.
Starmer’s cautious managerialism offers no answers to the cost-of-living crisis, the climate emergency or the constitutional question. People want more than competence. They want conviction. Caerphilly shows that Wales is ready to build the government it deserves, in the country it believes in.
This was never about just one seat. It marks a shift in spirit. Caerphilly has opened a new chapter in Welsh politics. Hope has proved stronger than hate, belief has beaten cynicism.
The people of Caerphilly have shown the way. Labour’s old Wales is fading, and a new, self-assured Wales is taking its place – one led by Plaid Cymru.
— Rhun ap Iorwerth MS, Leader of Plaid Cymru, Member of the Senedd for Ynys Môn
Comment
Should the King cancel the US state visit in April? Yes — and he should say why
OPINION – BY TOM SINCLAIR, EDITOR
THE KING is not a politician. He is, however, the Commander-in-Chief of the British Armed Forces. That distinction matters, because it draws a line between everyday diplomacy and something more fundamental: respect for service, sacrifice, and the people this country asks to stand in harm’s way.
On that basis, the scheduled state visit to the United States in April should not go ahead as planned. It should be postponed indefinitely — and the reason should be made clear, quietly but firmly: Britain will not wrap ceremonial honour around rhetoric that demeans those who serve.
That is the crux of it. The issue is not a petty spat, a bruised ego, or an argument about “who said what” on social media. It is the principle of how allies speak about allied forces — and whether the United Kingdom is prepared to smile, toast and wave through remarks that, in the eyes of many serving personnel, veterans, and military families, amount to a straight insult.
You can hear it in the public reaction. People who would rarely write to a King or comment on foreign policy are suddenly saying the same thing in plain language: if the Head of the Armed Forces carries on regardless, it feels like a slap in the face to those who “stood the line” — and to the families of those who did not come home. Some are calling for a postponement “until there is an apology”. Others say: don’t postpone — cancel. Underneath the anger, there is a consistent instinct: dignity matters, and so does loyalty.
Now add the awkward history. Not so long ago, Donald Trump received the full ceremonial treatment in Britain. A banquet. The gold-trimmed theatre of state. All presented as diplomatic necessity, above politics, in the national interest.
Did it work? Did it moderate language, build respect, reduce volatility, improve conduct? If anything, it taught the opposite lesson: that Britain will keep offering prestige even when it gains nothing in return. The Crown’s soft power was put on display, and the recipient treated it like another trophy.
That is why doing it again now would be worse than a mistake. It would be a pattern.
Supporters of the trip will reach for the familiar argument: Britain’s relationship is with the United States, not with one individual. And that is correct. Defence, intelligence, trade and security cooperation are too important to be thrown around as gestures.
But a state visit is not the machinery of government. It is the highest honour we can confer. It is symbolism in its most potent form. It is an embrace.
And there is a difference between continuing diplomacy and offering ceremony.
Britain can and should continue the serious work through ministers, ambassadors, defence chiefs and officials. That work is robust enough to survive a postponement of pageantry. What it cannot survive — at least not without cost — is the impression that the country’s top symbol of service is prepared to overlook contempt directed at service.
There is also a constitutional realism that needs saying out loud. The King does not freelance. He acts on ministerial advice. That means the responsibility for this does not sit with one man in one palace. It sits with the government of the day. If the visit goes ahead, it will not be interpreted internationally as a “neutral royal engagement”. It will be interpreted as a British national choice.
Which raises a simple question: why would Britain choose, voluntarily, to place its Commander-in-Chief into the middle of America’s partisan furnace — where every handshake becomes a headline and every photograph becomes a message?
The monarchy’s strength is that it is not supposed to take sides. Yet the more polarised the environment, the harder neutrality is to maintain. A state visit in April risks being treated as an endorsement by one camp and a provocation by the other. That is not only unfair to the King; it is dangerous for the institution. No head of state should be used as a campaign prop, least of all one whose constitutional role depends on being above the fight.
So what should happen?
The government should advise postponement on grounds that are unarguable and non-partisan: respect for allied forces and the need to keep the Crown out of domestic political controversy abroad. The Palace should keep the language measured: a desire to reschedule at a more appropriate time, in a way that reflects the enduring UK-US relationship and the importance of mutual respect between allies.
And if there is to be a condition for reinstating the visit, it should be simple: a clear, public reaffirmation of respect for NATO service personnel and the sacrifices made by military families. Not a grovelling performance. Not a media circus. Just a statement of basic decency that any ally should be able to make without choking on it.
Some will say Trump never apologises. That may be true. But the point is not to choreograph an apology. The point is to stop granting honours as if they are automatic.
Because Britain has already tried the “butter him up and hope for the best” approach. We’ve seen the banquet. We’ve watched the pageantry. We’ve heard the rhetoric continue.
At some stage, a grown-up country has to decide what it will and won’t dignify.
If the King is the head of our armed forces in name, then he must be the head of our armed forces in meaning too. That means he cannot be asked to raise a glass to a man whose words have demeaned the very people the Crown is meant to honour.
Postpone the state visit. Keep the diplomacy. Protect the institution. And, above all, stand by the men and women who stood for us.
Comment
OPINION: Trump’s ‘stayed a little back’ remark insults Wales’ sacrifice
DONALD TRUMP’S claim that Nato allies in Afghanistan “stayed a little back… a little off the front lines” is not merely inaccurate. It is morally careless — and in Wales it lands like an old wound being torn open.
Afghanistan was not an abstract foreign policy debate for this country. It was a roll call of funerals, amputations, trauma and lives reshaped in an instant. The conflict claimed 457 British service personnel, and Welsh regiments were repeatedly deployed into some of the most dangerous ground in Helmand Province, where roadside bombs, ambushes and close-quarter fighting were part of daily routine.
When a leader speaks loosely about who did — and didn’t — stand on the line, they are not scoring points in a spending argument. They are talking about the dead. And in Wales, names are not statistics.
Lance Corporal Christopher Harkett, of 2nd Battalion The Royal Welsh, was killed by an explosion on patrol near Musa Qala in March 2009. Private Richard Hunt, also of 2nd Battalion The Royal Welsh, died from wounds suffered in an explosion while on a vehicle patrol near Musa Qala in August 2009. Their families did not lose sons in a “rear area”.
That is why the political reaction in the UK has been so blunt. Prime Minister Keir Starmer described the remarks as “insulting and frankly appalling” and said an apology would be the minimum standard if he had spoken that way. Across party lines, the criticism has been clear: this was a distortion that dishonours service.
Prince Harry’s response carried weight precisely because it avoided the usual political noise. He didn’t name Trump. He didn’t turn it into a culture war. He simply stated what soldiers and families know: allies answered America’s call after 9/11, friends were made, friends were lost, and those sacrifices “deserve to be spoken about truthfully and with respect”.
The facts are not complicated. Nato’s collective defence clause — Article 5 — was invoked after the attacks of September 11, 2001. Allies joined the mission, fought, and died. The idea that they mostly hovered at the margins collapses under even the most basic measure of coalition sacrifice: casualties, deployments, combat operations and the testimony of those who served alongside each other.
Yes, the United States spends more on defence than any other Nato member. Burden-sharing is a legitimate argument. But spending figures do not give anyone permission to rewrite the history of a war. You can press allies to invest more without pretending they did not fight. And you can debate budgets without casually wounding people who have already paid the highest price.
The damage here goes beyond offence. It is strategic. Alliances are held together by trust — by the belief that when one nation bleeds beside another, that sacrifice will be remembered honestly. When a US president suggests allies would not show up, or implies they did not show up properly last time, he weakens that trust and offers an easy gift to any rival watching for division.
An apology would not be weakness. It would be leadership. It would sound like this: I was wrong. Allied troops fought and died alongside Americans. I honour their service and the families who carry the grief. We can argue about spending without questioning courage.
Because the fallen do not get to reply. Their families in Welsh communities do. Their comrades do. And when the truth is treated as optional, so is the respect that keeps a military covenant intact.
Comment
Community gathers in Tenby to remember the fallen
TENBY residents gathered in solemn reflection at the town’s cenotaph this on Sunday (Nov 8) to mark Armistice Day and honour all those who gave their lives in service to their country.

Rain fails to dampen spirits
Despite the drizzle, a large crowd assembled at the war memorial on South Parade as the clock struck 11:00am. The Last Post was sounded, followed by two minutes’ silence observed across the town.

Civic leaders and young representatives
The Mayor of Tenby, town councillors, veterans, members of the Royal British Legion and representatives from youth groups, cadets, emergency services and local schools took part in the wreath-laying ceremony. Among them was a young boy who stepped forward to lay a poppy wreath—symbolising the next generation’s gratitude for those who made the ultimate sacrifice.

A service of unity and respect
As the names engraved on the cenotaph were read aloud, the assembled crowd stood shoulder to shoulder, remembering those from Tenby and beyond who never returned home. Local clergy led prayers, and the service was accompanied by music from the Salvation Army Band.
















Following the ceremony, the parade marched through the town walls led by the Royal British Legion standard bearers, with applause from residents lining the streets.
The annual service once again showed Tenby’s deep respect for its history, its veterans and the continuing legacy of remembrance.
Lest we forget.
Photos by Gareth Davies/Herald
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